Speculations on Ancient
Indian History
Smallbox, Lathi, Caste,
Arya, Dasyu, bandicoots and other strange possibilities
I have decided to pen down my
thoughts on Indian History. The purpose is not to write what is already well
known but to write a speculative account touching upon what is not well known
or what is unknown, which have always intrigued me. These speculations were
amateurish in the days before internet but now it is possible to get fairly
accurate searches to prove or disprove these thoughts. Despite being
speculative, my main purpose is to write without contradicting what is well
known and widely accepted. The purpose is more to fill in the blanks where
evidence is sparse, trying to use common sense, probability and application of
human nature to derive the most likely scenario. Since I am not a historian,
the purpose of these essays is not academic but to serve as food for thought.
Just to make it clear from the
outset, let me set down the assumptions which are based on well accepted
historical opinion. I believe that there was only one civilization i.e Indus
Valley Civilization (IVC) in India from 7500 BC to 1800 BC. Please note that
for clarity I shall be using approximate and rounded off dates throughout my
write ups for the sake of focussing on the big picture. Other cultures in India
in this time period based on current evidence are all Neolithic or at best
chalcolithic tribal populations. Such tribal Neolithic cultures should not be
confused with civilizations, as commonly done by many. So Mehargarh was a site
where historians suspect that neolothic people around 6000 BC independently
discovered how to do agriculture. But that does not mean that Mehargarh is an
8000 year old city – certainly not. Neolithic settlements are small villages which
over a period of millennia may or may not evolve into larger towns and cities.
Only IVC fits the description of a civilization, not the earlier settlements of
Pakistan or the settlements of Poorvanchal and Deccan dated from 7500 BC to
1800 BC. Decline of the IVC was mainly due to change in the river systems
around 1800 BC. The period from 1800 to 1200 BC is a different subject to be
considered later.
Migrations in
Paleolithic times:
There seems to have been two main
migrations into India. The South Indian and subsequent movement into Indonesia till
Australia and a second movement into North India. Both movements occurred approximately
60,000 to 40,000 years ago and many paleolithic sites found all over the Indian
subcontinent indicate small number of paleolithic tribals throughout this
period. There were movements of paleolithic people both into and out of India
over this vast period. India during the ice age i.e. prior to 10,000 BC would
have been one of the better climates for hunter gatherers. Although large massed
animal herds which would have been easy to stampede and hunt by driving over
cliffs would have been fewer in India than elsewhere, generally the climate was
gentler than elsewhere. Migrations into and out of India during this period
have greatly complicated analysing the genetic linkage of people in Central
Asia and the middle east and essentially make genetic analysis of historical
time periods impossible.
Neolithic
agricultural development:
There seem to have been many
paleolithic and mesolithic people in India but neolithic agricultural cultures
seem to have started in 3 sites, two of them independently. The most important
is Mehrgarh in 7500 BC which shows a continuous sequence from start of
agriculture to the development of the Indus valley civilization from 7500 BC to
1800 BC. Barley and wheat were the main crops cultivated by these people. The
second site for independent development was the Belan and Son valleys of Poorvanchal
or Eastern UP in 6000 to 5000 BC, well developed by 2500 BC. But this site stayed
neolithic and chalcolithic till 1000 BC. They show cultivation of wild rice
initially, followed by a switch to domesticated rice between 2500 to 1800 BC.
But the sites remain small and show no further development or Bronze age
civilization. Instead settlements in these sites shifted directly to iron age (without
Bronze age civilization) between 1500 and 1000 BC. South Deccan in 2500 BC shows
Neolithic cultivation but is likely to be post contact with the Harappan and
post Harappan cultures – hence they may not show a direct start of agriculture
de-novo but by imbibation from other more advanced i.e. harappan cultures. This
region also shifted directly into an Iron age megalithic culture between 1200
and 1000 BC without intervening Bronze Age culture.
So clearly IVC was the only real
Bronze age civilization and the rest can be ignored till 1800 BC, which was the
time of decline of the IVC. It is the post 1800 BC developments which are more
interesting to decipher in view of little being written on the subject and
hence I wont go into details of the more primitive cultures elsewhere prior to
1800 BC – and prefer to cover them later in one go when taking up the 1800 to
1200 BC segment. Having said that, since there is great interest in the development
of religion and physical looks of people, it is interesting to look into the
genetics of these populations in about 6000 BC.
Physical appearance
and skin colour:
Genetic studies use haplogroup typing
of the Y chromosome which is passed on from father to son and similar
haplogroups in mitochondrial DNA which is passed on from mother to both sons
and daughters, but the sons do not pass it on. Differences in some segments of
Y chromosome and mitochondrian DNA have arisen over 100,000 years of Homo sapien
evolution. But most of these occur over many thousands of years and genetic
studies are less useful in evaluating migrations in historical era. They are
more useful when comparing populations separated over large distances – like
comparing a Tamilian with an Englishman. It tells how long ago the Tamilian and
the Englishman had a common ancestor – usually in paleolithic times. They are
less useful in closely situated groups – like Punjabis from India and Pakistan,
since the markers are largely similar. If a marker is the same between a
Punjabi and an Iranian, it is impossible to state whether the similarity
reflects a migration in paleolithic times or neolithic times or in historical
times or even a few generations ago. Most markers became distinct from 10,000
years to 50,000 years ago and hence one cannot use it well in historical
period. Since we are looking at averages in modern population i.e. average
prevalence of say 10 markers in one country and another, these studies cannot
be useful to study migrations and certainly not by lay people. Studies on
archaic DNA is severely affected by DNA degradation. Some well preserved DNA
from men burried in peat bogs or other similar events have delivered usable DNA
for European population studies. Such finds have not occurred in India and
hence DNA studies provide little usable information. Recently some bones from
Harappan times have yielded archaic DNA but in all likelihood it will be too
degraded for proper studies. Analysis from common sense is more likely to be
useful and is attempted below.
The majority of the subcontinental
population seems to have developed by means of population expansion after
developing agriculture. Hence three probable groups of physiognomy are likely.
The simplest answer to the question of race is that in 6000 BC, South Indians
are likely to have looked the same, the people of UP and Bihar are likely to
have looked the same and the people of North West India are also likely to have
also looked largely similar to the currently existing modern counterparts. Limited
figurines of IVC available also indicate that there is an essential similarity
in most people of Sub continental origin which is supported by the largely
similar mitochondrial and Y chromosomal DNA evidence. The most likely scenario
is as below.
All populations from South Asia are
likely to have had a dark skin due to the better tolerance of sunlight with
darker skin and the protection provided by dark skin against skin cancer. It is
currenty believed that all humans originally evolved with dark skin colour and
then lightened. The South Indians developed from a similar pool of people as
the Andaman Islanders, Australian aborigines and had coarse features and very
dark skin. North Indians of both Pakistan and eastern group from UP/Bihar
developed from people more closely related to each other than they were to
South Indians. However, the people from UP and Bihar had a darker skin, coarser
features and shorter stature than those from Pakistan and North West India. The
latter are likely to have been taller, with finer features but still
significantly coarser than comparable Semitic, Iranian and other European types.
Skin colour is likely to have been what is termed “wheatish” in India with many
lighter and darker shades. In other words, it is likely that the IVC people had
a physical appearance quite close to the current North West Indian Population.
A difference between Bihar and IVC is also likely. Currently the genetic
evidence shows expansion after mixing. But historically, the Bihar people might
have been developing in isolation for millennia without contact with IVC.
Since Indus valley had the first and
dramatic population expansion, there would have been a wider variety and larger
number of people with clusters of physical characteristics from this region,
explaining the more diverse number of skin tones and features. The North West Indian
plains are subject to very harsh sunlight and summers despite cooler winters. From
this basic pool, the further development of the physical characteristics would
have been subject to the natural progression within civilizations with very
large populations. Since the initial expansion was of the IVC, these physical
features developing due to civilizational selection pressures would have seen
dramatic expansion as the population of the IVC expanded with agriculture
Reasons for caste
and colour differences:
Sexual selection plays an important
role in big populations. Black skin colour evolves in tropics to protect
against sun damage and skin cancer while Vitamin D deficiency in northern
climates causes evolution of white skin colour. Despite this biological need,
preference for lighter skin colour is universal within human civilization,
except within extremely isolated tribal populations who are unexposed to other
racial types. Blacks prefer mullattos with lighter skin. Whites prefer blondes
with lighter hair and the blonde hair is theorised to have evolved by sexual
selection of neolithic hunter gatherers of Eurasia in preference over the
initial darker hair as recently as 10 to 15000 years ago by some estimates.
Chinese prefer white skin and prevent sun exposure to maintain lighter skin. Europeans
in 19th century did the same with tanned skin indicating a labourer
and not preferred by the higher classes. So the ”Indian” preference for lighter
skin is in fact a universal phenomenon.
The majority of the reason for
preference for lighter skin colour is due to sexual selection by males. In
addition, the minor reason is that workers and lower classes working in the sun
have darker skin while the rich without need to work in the sun have lighter
skin and hence lighter skin tones are a morphological marker of higher station
in life. Richer people get married to women with lighter skin and this gets
carried on in their offspring and thus over a period of time, the rich get
lighter and lighter skin while the poor have darker skin within the Gaussian
distribution of skin tones.
Colour differences
in India in 2500 BC:
These universal principles of colour
preference are most likely to have been active within the IVC. It would have
ensured a much higher representation of people with lighter skin colour among
the rich and powerful, as has been seen in every population in the world from
time immemorial. Hence the physical apprearance of the IVC people is likely to
have been largely similar to the current existing look of North Indians. In
brief we can summarise the situation between 2500 BC and 1800 for the IVC would
be that rich upper castes have lighter skin and finer features but with a wide
range of colour and features. Lower castes would have darker skin and coarser
features again ranging widely. Total population of 2 to 5 million people with
about 5% = 100,000 being upper caste would provide a large enough pool of population
for such selection pressures to apply.
In Eastern UP and Bihar, almost
entire tribal population would have dark skin and coarser features. These could
be genetically derived from a similar population as IVC or from later
co-expansion after mixing, as shown by the essential similarity of most genetic
markers between all the people of North India – this clearly indicates that the
population at some point mixed and expanded together, only question is when.
One possibility is that these eastern
ganges people were derived from the same genetic pool of paleolithic hunter
gatherers prior to 10,000 BC. They had
no contact with the IVC and on their own evolved into Neolithic agriculturists
from 6000 BC onwards, far removed from IVC and cultivating rice instead of
wheat and barley. Total population of the area, which covers Poorvanchal and
Eastern Bihar would at most be 30-50,000 people, based on the sizes of
settlements found and the thin layers found on excavations and lack of
urbalisation to any level similar to Mehargarh. Essentially they were living in
isolated uncivilized tribal villages, practicing shifting agriculture. The
heavy monsoon would have ensured lack of any permanent residences in this
location. The lack of urbanisation shows that unlike IVC which was also
subjected to heavy monsoon, the people of Poorvanchal never cleared the forest
in a large way and their population never increased despite living in a very
fertile valley, similar to IVC. Total population could have been as few as
10,000 people over part of this time period. Annual inundation due to monsoon
and harsh forest land or perhaps diseases as discussed later seem to have
triumphed over these people and thus urbanization and formation of larger
civilizations did not take place despite the development of agriculture. There
is no evidence of large scale urban development prior to 800 BC in this region
and thus in 1800 BC only a few small villages would have existed. There is no
chance for social stratification or evolution of skin colour with such small
population density.
The second possibility is that the
IVC and the tribals of Ganges were derived from distinctly separate
populations, but in the historical period around 1200 to 800 BC these
populations mixed and subsequently showed a dramatic expansion. In this
possibility we need to add a third mix i.e. that in addition to people derived
from the IVC, the Aryan immigrants also mixed prior to the expansion, causing a
single genetic pool to be present for the entire north Indian population.
In South India, darker skin tones and
coarser features would be again present – but dissimilar to the people of
UP/Bihar, being genetically also more different and derived from an older
separation from the north some 40 to 50,000 years ago. Some 20,000-30,000
people in the area is likely but unlike Poorvanchal, they would have lived in
even more isolated and widely spread tribal cultures with again no chance for
social stratification or evolution of skin colour due to absence of
civilization and large enough population among the tribals.
Aryan Invasion is
not needed for skin colour evolution:
The above analysis suggests that the
input of more western populations for derivation of skin colour and physical
appearance of Indians is unnecessary. This is in good keeping with the DNA
evidence which suggests a predominantly Indian derivation for all of the
populations with limited European genes in the gene pool. The need for locating
European genes for lighter skin tone in higher castes is also eliminated if we
propose an endogenous evolution of skin colour directly related to caste
development in IVC with major population expansion. While population migrations
from Iranic and European peoples did take place and throwbacks to these
European and other origins will keep rearing up, the need for postulating a big
admixture of Iranian or European genes for derivation of lighter skin colour in
North Western Indians is not necessary. Endogenous evolution from 7000 BC to
1800 BC is sufficient for explaining the bulk of the north Indian appearance.
A good amount of transfer of these
physiotypes from IVC to the rest on India both to the UP Bihar area as well as
to South India is again Indicated both by the presence of the intervening
physical types as well as the genetic evidence. The most likely explanation is
the eastward migration of the IVC people to the Ganges belt from 1800 BC to 500
BC as well as their spread to South India from 500 BC to 100BC. However, both
of these migrations are post Harappan and hence a subject of later discussion. But
in brief, the higher castes of the IVC in the post IVC remnants are likely to
have interbred with the Aryan invaders and moved east. Movement both east and
south is sufficient explanation for caste based differences in skin colour and
physical appearance. If these possibilities are true, there may be no caste
based difference discernible at all, since the people interbred first and then
their population expanded. It is quite possible that the mixing of genes has
been so thorough that no genetic linkage is at all possible between various
caste groups. A fairly high probability exists for this i.e. most populations
regardless of caste will more closely resemble other nearby populations rather
than more distant populations whether within or outside India. The most likely
scenario is that there is a continuous gradation of the genetic types and that
there is no significant difference. People living in the Southern extreme of
India from lower castes would have DNA most different from the DNA of upper
caste derived Punjabi. Despite that, there would be greater similarity between
both these groups than the difference between the upper caste Punjabi person
and a European. Studies have found just that. The essential sameness of the
entire South Asian population based on underlying DNA analysis is well
demonstrated already. Because of thorough mixing, the entire population is much
more homogenous than prejudice and desire to identify with European populations
(perceived as superior by colour conscious Indians) would lead us to believe.
The most likely scenario is therefore that the influx of European genes into
the Indian population is insignificant. Differences of colour and look between
North West, UP Bihar and South India are explainable by endogenous reasons and
not from European influx.
The reason for dilution of European
origin DNA is also clear. From the IVC times, the population of India has
always been large. Influx of small bands of Persians, Greeks, Scythians,
Parthians, Kushans, Huns, Afghans, Uzbeks and Europeans have always been in
small numbers in comparison to the local population. So in each invasion from
the sparsely populated Central Asian tribesmen listed above, the influx would
have been numbering at best 30,000 or so individuals, mainly warriors. Babur
for example invaded with 12000 tribesmen. India’s population at the time of
first recorded invasion by the Greeks, who invaded with a small force of 15000 men
in 300 BC, was about 30 to 60 million people by a lower and higher estimate. Although
many of the invaders like the Kushans, Scythians and Parthians were invasions
by the entire tribe and they settled in India and would have increased their
population locally, it would still be a drop in the ocean of the 30 to 60 million
people who almost continuously inhabited India in the post Mauryan period. The
average population of India from Mauryan times was 30 million at an ebb after a
severe famine and war disruptions, 40 million on average in times of peace and
periodic increases to 50-70 million during well ruled empires like the Mauryan
empire, Gupta empire or Pala empire. Only during Mughal rule did the population
definitively increase to new heights post 1500 AD, reaching 175 million at its
peak even by lower estimates. So with any invasion an almost immediate dilution
to 50% in the next generation was usual, since taking local wives is a
universal phenomenon and within a few generations the local DNA would
predominate. Each invasion occurred with gaps of few hundred years. So influx
was never significant compared to local population. Only the rulers changed.
Population remained the same. Thus the only invasion which could have
contributed significant genes to Indian gene pool is the Aryan invasion – which
happened at an unknown time by an unknown number of people and when the
population of local people is unknown. That is a subject for later discussion.
Indus Valley
Civilization: Warfare, Politics, Rulers, Religion and Philosophy
I am setting down below a basic timeline for development of
IVC in broad ranges. The purpose is not historical accuracy but broad ball park
figures getting only the order of magnitude right.
10,000 BC End of ice age.
10,000 to 7500 BC Mesolithic period with domestication of
Zebu, Goat and Sheep. Sind was having ideal climate for cattle.
7500 BC The development of agriculture started in Sind because
climate moved from dry to medium wet. The cultivation of wheat and barley
7000 BC Zebu was the most important domesticated cattle. Cat
and dog domesticated. Oilseed cultivation.
5500 BC. Hand made pottery. Cotton cultivation started.
4000 BC. Pottery wheel. Domestication of camel. New variety
of wheat. Neolithic chalcolithic culture has spread throughout Sind. Regionalisation
of the culture started and many sites developed unique features. In Baluchistan
a more stone brick construction seen in the hills with a stone and pottery
foundation and brick construction. A pastoral or oasis culture, mostly
abandoned by 2700 BC. It indicates a less developed hinterland.
3500 BC. Early Indus Culture. Pottery decorated with multiple
colours. Mother goddess worship starts.
2800 BC start of copper metal usage. Smelting in Baluchistan
Oman Afghanistan and Rajasthan are possible. But probably they imported metal
ingots from Oman (i.e. the coast of the Persian Gulf). Some Rajasthan and most Gujarat sites were
using Rajasthan copper but smelting sites are yet to be found. Tin was smelted from Afghanistan. Silver, lead
and gold was probably imported. Kolar gold fields unlikely to be used.
2500 BC Mature harappan period. Likely to coincide with an
empire which ruled IVC
1800 BC End of Harappan period. End of empire.
Rivers:
The rivers of the IVC period were
different from the current disposition. The Gaggar Hakra received the majority
of the Sutlej water and at some times also the waters of Yamuna via the
Drishadvati channel and hence was a big river. It flowed through what is now
the Thar desert to open on the Rann of Kutch separately from the Indus. The
remaining rivers of the Punjab and the Indus had a similar disposition to
today. Hence the Punjab and Sind region was a fertile and well watered as well
as a forested plain. The Thar desert did not exist but instead was a fertile
plain and the heart of the IVC.
IVC developed by trade – a coming
together of villagers along the trade routes both by road and by river. The
development of these routes has been elegantly traced by Kenoyer and his team.
Most of the preharappan sites in Sind, Gujarat and Punjab have a similarity of
the cities and the mother goddess as well as the earlier canal and dyke works. But
each location had unique local features. Rajasthan sites might have had more
differences than usual within the IVC and Kalibangan in preharappan times also had
no mother goddess. The most likely scenario is trading by Indus and Gaggar
Hakra river boats between the villages which slowly developed into small towns.
They also spread the pre-Harappan culture fairly widely leading to an overall
uniformity prior to 2600 BC.
Empire:
The post 2600 period shows a much
higher level of uniformity and suggests a big empire ruled by an elite who
imposed their uniform rules. So the pre-Harappan villages and cities with many special
local features were melded together into a uniform empire around 2600 to 2500
BC and lasted for 6 to 700 years of continuity before disintegrating by 1800
BC. The start of warfare in the world is earliest recorded in Mesopotamia by
3200 BC before which there was no organised warfare. However larger and more
systematic warfare started only by 2600 BC in Mesopotamia and it is reasonable
to assume that a similar development in parallel occurred in IVC as well at
around the same time. The absence of bronze weapons in large numbers suggests
that the melding of the empire happened before the large scale import of metal
ingots started – so there was insufficient metal to use in weaponry. The ingots
which would have been needed for weapons was mainly acquired by trade after IVC
became one large empire and increased its trade links. Everything sits well
with the early date of 2600 BC being the start of the empire. But the absence
of arrowheads in numbers comparable to other civilizations is puzzling.
Sothi culture of Rajasthan is a good
indication about proto harappan towns changing into a Harappan town. Black on
red and purple pottery was found in the preharapppan layers which ended with
probable earthquake in 2600 BC. Then in 2500BC a Citadel with northern gate for
gentry with 2 bastions was built along the usual well known IVC citadel lines
seen in all Harappan cities. Possible fire alter on mud brick platform with
burnt pits, posts for animal sacrifice (since bones were found) again indicate
regionalization or absorption of earlier protoharappan cultures. Camel bones, cylinder
seal with 2 spear men threatening a female, measuring rod etc indicate the
adoption of the uniform IVC empire culture and similarity to comparable
Mesopotamian sites.
Rakhigarhi in Hissar is located on
the Drishadvati channel and Western flow of Yamuna is likely to have been there
during IVC – otherwise the location of this city makes no sense. It is a very
large city like Mohenjodaro and indicates a major riverine site. Citadel,
granary with barley and cotton cloth also indicates the similarity with
Pakistani sites along the Indus. Same pottery as Kalibangan (Hakra ware) indicate
localisation and persistence from preharappan features being absorbed into the
empire. Banawali also had same features including citadel but Mother Goddess
was found with Hakra ware. Ganeriwala in Punjab though not excavated is a huge
site where Yogic posture seal was found. All of these as well as the
protoharappan sites of Sind changing into the IVC exemplified by Mohenjodaro
and Harappa imply that a uniform empire took over the administration,
introducing a uniform system of weights, citadels and city construction.
The alternate hypothesis of slow
accretion and communication is not suggested by the sudden appearance of a new
system of order. The presence of uniform citadels all built around the same
period also suggest that an empire took control suddenly and imposed the order
– and the citadels could have been for defence as well as for protection from
floods. The persistence of this system for hundreds of years is more compatible
with take over by an empire rather than a slow coming together –
regionalization within the mature Harappan civilization seems to predate from
the pre Harappan phase rather than acquisition after reaching maturity.
Imposition of an empire is most likely.
Warfare
The rarity of metal in IVC would
indicate that warfare was carried out using the Lathi. This is an easily
degraded weapon. Remnants would not be easily recognised as a weapon in digs (since
the excavators would be looking for metal weapons). It is also the ubiquitous
weapon of agriculturists in north India to this day and hence the most likely
weapon – Kenoyer has emphasised how the local features of basic village life
have remained the same over millenia. In India villages more than any other
country, the lathi is ubiquitous. The history of stick fighting is very poorly
researched since almost all cultures had a tradition of using a stick for basic
defence and it is assumed to be the same all over the world. But in India, this
is not just an ordinary weapon – it is the main weapon of offence when there
are battles between rival villagers. Groups of 10-15 lathi wielding men are a
common site in the rural hinterlands and almost every clash is settled with the
lathi. Jiski lathi uski bhais – the buffalo belongs to the one with the lathi -
is a well recognised saying but is based on the underlying rural reality. Well
organised armies wielding lathi can easily prevail over smaller disorganised
dwellings even if fighting with metal weapons – provided the defence is not
using archery. The organization of the army becomes more important when numbers
hold the key. Use of boats and ships for easy transport would also be the modus
operandi of the invading force. Hence a location of invasion from middle of
Punjab going South along the Gaggar Hakra and the Indus, overwhelming and
garrisoning of each urban settlement is likely. In these early days of warfare,
there may have been minimal defence. Gujarat sites are also likely to have been
overwhelmed from sea coast based landing crafts and settled based on easy
boating distance. Archery is less likely to have been practiced and swords
probably came after the empire was already well settled and controlled, by
observation of Mesopotamian weapons. Without a dugout of archers who hold out
using archery, the towns would have fallen to the simple lathi. The use of
lathi is a reasonable hypothesis.
The non use of archery suggested by
the rarity of arrowheads can have two explanations. First is that it was indeed
used during the phase of conquest by the invaders but was minimal. So while the
majority of the force would be lathi wielders, a small group of knights using
metal weaponds and archery who would be the elite is possible. So the empire
would have no more need for large scale increase in the use of archery after
the whole of the area had been subdued. The second possibility is that after
the building of citadels, groups of archers would be stationed on the walls for
defence – but the need for defence was so little that only small groups and
numbers trained in archery. The common people and those outside of the defence
archery battalions might have been proscribed from archery training to prevent
bandits and looters from gaining proficiency in offensive warfare. Archery is a
very potent defence against lathi wielding groups of men and so such people
would never be able to attack a town with walled defence.
Whatever be the method of conquest,
the uniformity and systematic town planning extending over hundreds of years,
the repairs to damage, the uniform writing etc are clear pointers to
maintenance of central and strong authority actively administering the land. A
caste based system of policing is possible. So the town would be defended by a
caste of spearmen (using lathis with sharpened tips) at the gates. Such weapons
would degrade just like the lathi. A force of bowmen – again trained within
their caste - on the walls using bronze arrowheads would be the main defence
against a concerted attack. This would explain the limited number of arrowheads
found, much less than equivalent sites in Mesopotamia. Since the import of
metal was under the control of the rulers and trading families, those outside
would not be able to lay their hands on bronze arrowheads and would only be
able to use lathis. A defence force of policemen carrying lathis and knives would
be deployed to maintain law and order within the city and would be called to
defend the city in case of attack. The villages would be divided on caste and
thus would not gather together bearing arms since this would be forbidden – and
the higher castes within the villages would be the lathi wielders. Perhaps the
commanders in the cities and the bodyguard of the trading vessels on the Indus might
have carried the few swords found – again made of precious imported metal. The
bodyguard of the ruler and important personages would have carried spears with
bronze tips – and these spearmen would again be a closely knit caste group.
So a close parallel to Saxons post
the normal conquest or the Budhists in Taosit china is possible. The elites
would be able to always prevail over the lathi wielding fighters by the use of
metal tipped spears, swords and archery. The lathi wielders would be the mass
of the army and police force but always under the control of the elites who
alone had superior weapons, similar to mideaval knights. Small groups of the
elites would be able to stand off a large force of lathi wielders from the
walls of the citadel using archery. Control over the metal was with the traders
and a trader priest kingly upper caste is likely as with every other human
society.
Religion
Here again very little is known based
on concrete evidence. But extension from current day practices based on
intuitive inference when a local person looks at the artefacts provide the best
scope to understand. Most of the IVC with the exception of Kalibangan seems to
have adopted a uniform religion which includes mother goddess worship.
Kalibangan seems to have continued with earlier local practices resembling sacrifice
without adopting the mother godess. Kalibangan is located on the Ghaggar Hakra
and no mother goddess was found, dating from 2800 BC onwards. The peepal tree
and worship using rituals involving water also seem to be ubiquitous and well
demonstrated in Dholavira. Presence of water tanks in multiple other sites and
in those without tanks, the presence of dykes and canals indicates that similar
rituals could have been undertaken without the presence of explicit religious
tanks.
The most likely conjecture for a water
related ritual is a water purification and bath. The river bathing or kumbh
type of ritual is however more likely derived from Poorvanchal. Going to the
riverside or the tank, taking water in a container and sprinkling water on self
while chanting some prayers is more likely related to the Aryan invasion
because the Iranians have exactly the same type of ritual. So bathing in tanks
from IVC, river bathing from Poorvanchal and water purification from Aryans are
the likely origins of the present forms of water ritual. Elements of this
ritual are likely to have mixed with the Aryan hymns and become the sandhya
vandana. Notice how the methods of worship of the Zorashtrian priests differ
from the Brahminic rituals. Zoroastrian rituals celebrate functions similar to
the Aryan functions – like initiation of the child at 5 or 7 and tying of the
sacred Kushti. The Kushti is made of lambs wool and is wrapped three times
around the waist. The Vedic sacred thread is made of cotton and has three
strings which are worn on the shoulder. So the evolution pattern is clear. The
Zoroastrian daily prayers are done 5 times after washing and use a tray containing
items including a glass of water and may be done on the banks of a river.
Brahminic prayers are done three times using a glass of water and are commonly
done after bathing in a tank or river. While the pattern suggests an evolution
from an Iranic method of prayer adapting to the Indian weather, a merging with surviving
IVC rituals cannot be ruled out if they also had similar prayers done on the
tank or river side. Such water purification rituals must have been done by the
males if we assume continuation of these in the present day – since the
Zoroastrian prayers are done by both sexes but Aryan daily prayers are done by
the males. The element of secrecy is not there in Zoroastrianism and is done by
all classes. But Aryan prayers are done in secret and only by males of higher
caste. This suggests co-evolution with a caste system from inception and thus
possible link to IVC caste systems. It is unlikely that we will ever get actual
evidence. But the majority of the present water purification rituals must be or
Aryan origin.
The most likely method for worship of
the mother godess is likely to have been done by the lady of the house by lighting
a lamp to an icon of the mother goddess kept in each home. Charred remains of
mother goddess blackened by smoke have been found. This must have been a female
centric ritual done every day in the evening. These two practices are
instinctively perceivable as being derived from IVC – based on the observation
of, lamps and figurines - and existing to this day. Evolution of the mother goddess
headdress from IVC figurines to punch marked coins of the Gujarat regions, then
Yakshini figures of the early Budhist stupa statuary and subsequently into the Gupta
era classical Hindu Goddess of Durga is clearly demonstrated by multiple
authors. The method of worship is also likely to have been passed on after
originating in the IVC. Significantly, there is no equivalent of worshipping
female deities at home by the Aryans and thus it is most probably an IVC
ritual.
The Pashupati figure in more than one
seal with the erect phallus is suggestive of worship of a Shiva like God –
regardless of what he was called then. Linga worship is obviously derived from
this and also phallic symbols have been found in IVC, although configured
differently from current linga. The use of headdresses, peepal tree, use of
tabeez like seals tied around the arms or other body parts as seen in the few
surviving figurines and presence of animal or human sacrifice depending on the
interpretation of the seals suggest a more event based religious worship i.e.
worship on special days. As such, the earliest interpolation of non Aryan
material in the Vedic Brahmana (and in one instance in samhita) is of the
Triambaka and it is likely that this was one of the initial names of Shiva as
rendered in Sanskrit much after the end of IVC. Linkage to Zeus is more
unlikely given the completely different pathways of history beyween those Indo
Europeans and the Indian Indo Aryans and the absence of any mention of
Triambaka in the innumerable hymns of the veda. A link between Triambaka and Proto
Shiva depicted in the IVC is jumping a lot of time – 1000 years (from 1800 BC
to 800 BC) but is not impossible. The link of Proto Shiva to the current forms
of Shiva worship i.e. Phallus worship, peepal tree related worship, and
sacrifice related worship in special events (depicted on seals) are more clearly
evident. Kalibangan might have been the site of origin of sacrifice form of
worship. Sectism from people linked to the sacrifice related worshippers could
have started in IVC itself and continued subsequently to the present. Again no
evidence of this will ever emerge and therefore we need to infer it. The
shamanistic worships seen on Indus seals most closely resemble Shiva worship
and hence the inference is possible and not far fetched.
Unusual aspects in the IVC seals are
wearing of a ribbon with a ring like diadem and head dress by the Shamanistic
figures. These practices likely died out after collapse of the IVC. Obviously
everything cannot survive a catastrophic collapse and these Shamanistic
sacrifices and the Indus writing faded away.
The sacred thread is likely to have
evolved in hot climates and not in cold places where people would be fully clad
all year. Evolution of sacred thread within the Indian subcontinent is certain.
Evolution from Kushti like threads worn by the Indo Aryan invaders is also
certain. The occasional torse figures of
males seen on internet images of IVC show no evidence of sacred thread. It is
possible that the Kushti like thread initially used by the Indo Aryans around
the waist migrated to its current place of wear after reaching India.
Does any philosophy or thinking
survive from IVC times? If it does, then it is likely to be Samkhya theory and
Yoga. Samkhya is one of the oldest theories which was present before the time
of the Buddha in 500 BC. Traces of its influence are there in the earliest Upanishads
and Brahmanas, although whether it evolved from Upanishads or influenced
Upanishads from outside is difficult to be certain. Circulation of this theory
prior to arrival of the Indo Aryans might be linked to derivation from IVC or
post Harappan people. Yoga is suggested by some of the postures seen on Indus
seals. Shamanistic practices probably depicted on Indus seals are akin to the
Yogic and Samkhya schools, and the animal sacrifices to the Tantric schools.
Samkhya, Yoga and Tanticism are non Vedic religions and philosophies. Parallel
development in the Vedic periods seems less likely, since why would it when the
Vedas themselves were undergoing so much change and the Upanishads were being
written? Current scholarship seems to prefer a post Buddhist evolution of
Samkhya and Yoga. But survival from IVC, persistence in local populations and
slow modifications and derivations in parallel and separate from the Vedic
developments can again not be ruled out. We certainly know that some of the
earliest writings of Panini mention the Yoga and Samkhya schools and hence when
earliest writing evolved in India around 300 BC these systems of philosophy and
thinking were already existing. Upanishads show that they were existing much before
writing evolved. Persistence from Post Haparran people is possible. Krishna
worship is also mentioned by the Panini texts who also mentions the Yavanas. So
by 300 BC or so we have existence of Triambaka, Rudra, mother Goddess, Yakshini
and Krishna and the Bhagavatas in earliest form. So when writing started, the
basic components of present Hinduism exist but in the Vedas the mother Goddess,
phallic worship (condemned) and Krishna worship do not exist. The obvious
inference is derivation from the non Vedic people of post Harappan
civilization.
Society
The similarity of the IVC to the
Mesopotamian sites in terms of the trade, agriculture, use of seals and the
similarity of the kind of materials produced show that social organization was
similar. The elite would have been the priests, rulers and the merchants. Scribes
would have had the specials seals manufactured from rare steatite stone. The Indus
seal impressions would have been used for sealing containers full of trade
related materials like beads, bangles etc and also cotton bales and pottery. The
markings would have designated the trade house and hence the main symbol would
have been heraldry related. Big trade families would have been hereditary and
would have settled in each of the major cities. The unicorn seal being the most
common symbol might have marked the most powerful of the trading familes. In
all probability the unicorn is a representation of a mythical beast, since
other animals like antelope are also rendered with bovine torso proportions –
perhaps because the artists were more familiar with making bovine torsos. Unicorn
seals might also represent the gelded oxen. The other symbols inscribed are
likely to specify relationship of the family, city of origin, nature of goods
and numbers in some way, as seen in Mesopotamian seals.
The elites might have performed the
daily rituals of water purification by tank bathing done by the males and puja
of mother goddess by the females. Mother Goddess worship and linga worship
would have been more widespread for all classes as also participation in the
special functions related to Shiva like shamans and peepal tree. However the
water related rituals would have been restricted both by access to water in the
great bath. The domination of this upper class would have been absolute. After
carving out the initial empire, there seems to have been no need for warfare
because of the rigid social control established. Only policing and strategic
defence using rare imported metal weapons behind citadels seemed to have
sufficed. There was an absence of any enemies both to the West and East.
Mountains to the north, sea to the south, Baluchistan and Iran desert to the
west and the densely forested Gangetic lands to the east provided a natural
barrier. Prolonged isolation without presence of any war like neighbours seems
to have made it unnecessary for any cavalry or elephantry to develop. Although
elephant seals are there, large scale domestication of the elephant is not
suggested by the archeological evidence. Horse of course did not exist in the
IVC as not a single horse seal has ever been found. All bones of the horse
discovered in India are much older in a different post ice age climate. Horse
was abundant from 9000 BC to 6000 BC in India but by 2500 BC it was found mainly
in the Central Asian steppes.
Even spears and swords seem to have
been derived from Mesopotamian imports over the course of years through trade and
there was no necessity for large scale manufacture. There is no depiction of
warfare in pottery or seals. This would have limited the need for both import
of large quantities of metal and there was also no need to search for internal
metal sources which were otherwise abundant in Rajasthan and Baluchistan. Only
limited smelting seems to have been done from Baluchistan. Limited numbers of swords
and spears which have been found were probably meant for policing work, body
guards and elite forces and not for routine warfare. Similarly inadequate numbers
of arrowheads found do not suggest large scale army use. The lathi seems to
have sufficed. The fact that some arrowheads have been found might have been
used by small numbers of guards on the citadels. Even a large army of lathi
wielders can be held at bay using archery from citadel walls by the elite. The
practice of archery might have been under highly restricted control. Without
training, it is difficult to become good at it. Hunting by the commoners and
the carrying of bow and arrow might have been punishable with death, and in the
largely peaceful realm, this would have greatly reduced strife.
There are previous precedents for
proscribing carrying of arms by commoners in history. The Normans suppressed
the Saxons by outlawing poaching. Anyone carrying a bow and arrow would get
hanged as a poacher. Most of the outlaws carried cudgels or staffs similar to
the lathi and could not withstand the armoured might of the Norman men at arms
and crossbowmen. Robin Hood like skill without adequate training is a myth.
Later during the wars with France, the lads of Hamshire were all trained in the
long bow from a young age in marked contrast to the period of the post Normal
conquest. Such training is essential to become a proficient fighting force, and
might have been prevented by law in the IVC at the pain of death. The monks
under Chinese rule also developed hand to hand combat and staff fighting when
prevented from carrying arms – and they never were a threat to the central government
because carrying arms were banned, cinematic hyperbole not withstanding. So
caste based division of warfare skills is a most effective method for
controlling a population provided there is no possibility of a neighbour
invading. This status is compatible with IVC having a single large empire melded
in the early days followed by no external enemies since the empire was all
encompassing.
The bearing of arms must have been
caste related. No rebellions or inter regional warfare (or evolution of rival
weight or other rival systems different for the regions) also suggest a rigid
caste system covering the entire civilization. In all probability the system had
elite fighters, priests and traders i.e Kshatriya like, Brahmin like and
Vaishya like class – these are bound to have been present in IVC. The lathi fighter
would therefore be from a lower caste while the ruler would be a non fighter who
controls the lathi fighters based on caste system backed up by the elite
knights. This caste based fighting would have to be an essential feature
because otherwise a fighting upper class would start internecine warfare. If
the fighter was from a lower caste the this would not be so. Strict control of
the fighters by the administration similar to present day police under control
of the political class is a required condition. Suppression of aggressive
tendencies by judicial magistrates from the high caste – priests or ruler –
with a knowledge of complex rules and prevention of intermarriage between
castes is also probable. Similar systems have existed many times in Chinese
empires and in the Maurya, Gupta, Vijayanagara and Naik empires, although the
time period of existence of this system in IVC for 700 or more years makes it
unique. In subsequent times also, as long as no foreign invasion occurs to
disturb the peace, India has existed for prolonged periods in relative peace in
conjunction with just such a caste system. Indians like peace – it is a well
known fact. So the Maurya empire was at peace even after adopting Buddhism
whereas the prior period of Kshatriya rule including the conquests undertaken
by the Mauryan empire itself before adoption of Buddhism was very violent with
continuous internecine conflict. Ashokan peace lasted as long as no foreign
invasion occurred. Guptas empire was also internally nonviolent after the
initial conquest phase, until destroyed by the Hephthalite Hun invasion. During
the Gupta era, the caste system became a lot more rigid than previously. Caste
system therefore brings peace to large populations in the Indian context, unless
acted upon by an external force. In recorded history the external force was
omnipresent. In IVC times, it was non existent.
The prolonged peace underlies the
massive populations achieved by this civilization. The presence of fertile
soil, good monsoon rains, periodic inundation bringing alluvial soil and no
warfare mean that systematic accretion of population could take place without
check. The cities found show that this indeed happened. Kenoyer has estimated a
population of over 40-50,000 in cities like Mohenjodaro and over 5 million
people at the height of this civilization shortly before its fall.
The basic unit of this empire would
have been a village very similar to the current North Indian village.
Agriculture based on canal irrigation and rain fed agriculture, Zebu herding
and goats were the main activities in the villages. The average sizes of the
villages would have been over 500 people. Artisans lived in larger villages or small
towns. They made pottery, beads, agricultural implements, cotton yarn, cotton
clothes and terra cotta items. Bigger cities would import cotton and clay, add
value or manufacture more varieties of these items including cloth. Boats would
be used to trade with intermediaries based in Yemen. Trade with Yemen is more
likely than venturing further into Persian Gulf – which would then be undertaken
by the Yemeni intermediary trader. Export of the local manufacture with
bartering for metal ingots and import of other varieties of similar goods would
have been the basis of trade. These activities are well described in
Mesopotamia and should have been similar here too.
The use of gold in IVC is
interesting. Most were gold ornaments and were found in hoards buried inside
the house. In one case names or other lettering were inscribed on the ornaments
which were different from the usual Indus script. This suggests that gold
ornaments were passed on from probably mother to daughter and were kept
together and hoarded but labelled for segregation just as we currently do with
gold jewellery in joint families. Gold was never buried within the grave as seen
in other cultures of the world. Gold was clearly a valuable import and was kept
with other bead jewellery just as we currenty keep pearls, corals etc along
with gold. The writing being different also indicates that the symbols of the
IVC seals are likely linked to heraldry and trade related information and not
used by the common rich people. Rich people are likely to be gold owners and
also likely to be reasonably educated and have access to scribes within the
family – this suggests that the IVC script was never used for writing. Again,
the inferences are coming from observation of similar traits persisting in the
local population of India for millennia.
Decline and Fall
The decline of the IVC is clearly
linked to desertification of the core area and disruptions of the trade
networks required for the empire. A shifting of the Sutlej from the Gaggar
Hakra to the Indus and the shifting of Yamuna from Drishadvati channel to the
Ganges system probably linked to a period of monsoon failure caused a catastrophic
famine. This hypothesis is well understood now. With the disruption of the
trading activities and networks, the complex social organization collapsed and
so the IVC declined in a catastrophic manner.
The most likely cause for decline of
the civilization was of course drought. The heart of IVC was what is now the Thar
desert. The Sutlej changed course into the Indus system. The Yamuna changed
course from Drishadvati channel into the present Eastern flow into Ganges. However
the presence of Indus and Yamuna in current disposition, available for
settling, points to more distressing reasons for the fall. The progressive
shift of the cities upstream along Sutlej suggest that there was a progressive
decrease in flow. 800 years is a long time. In the previous 5000 years the
flora and fauna of India had changed almost completely. It passed from ice age
to temperate times to a deciduous forest to dry and then wet climate i.e. 5000
years of slow but regular change. Change of weather patterns in next 800 years along
the same lines is also most likely. But the people could adapt to this type of
slow and incremental change, as is demonstrated by the shift of the cities
which became smaller and smaller.
It is now well known that
civilizations with major sudden disruption can decline very fast. Incas of
Machu Pichu are a good example. The civilization collapsed, the population
plummeted and the surviving remnants degraded to a village life forgetting the
knowledge gained during the height of the civilization. Catastrophy might suggest the difficulty for
adaptation if the knowledge systems and trade links disintegrated suddenly. A
shift of the rivers could have been linked to an earthquake with tectonic plate
elevation which changed the Yamuna from flowing into the Rann of Kutch to flow
east into Ganga. Unfortunately we have no evidence as to when exactly this
shift occurred and whether only an intermittent branch of Yamuna flowed in the
Drishtadvati channel or the whole river flowed so. So if the Drishadvati was
intermittently contributing to Gaggar Hakra and then stopped, then the reduced
flow would explain the shifting up of the cities from the lower course of the
Gaggar Hakra to the upper course near Sutlej. That would mean that the
diversion of the Drishadvati would have been a slow and adaptable change and
would not be a cause for catastrophy. In which situation, the capture of the
Sutlej by the Indus would also not be a cause for catastrophy since the river
system would be maintaining a smaller part of the IVC which would have found
alternative locations for agriculture.
Another speculative reason is the
arrival of small pox. The oldest evidence of small pox is in Egyptian mummies
of 1200 BC. Scientists believe that
small pox was endemic in India and went West and not vice versa. Some forms of
mother goddess worship in India in recent past of the last few centuries was
specifically directed towards warding off small pox. A sudden arrival of small
pox in a previously unexposed population can wipe out entire populations as seen
in the American continents in native Americans.
Another cause for catastrophy is
sequential monsoon failure. Large urban settlements need food from the
hinterland. Famines in India have well demonstrated the scale of starvation
even in modern period. So monsoon failure could have precipitated a mass
starvation which destroyed the civilization. Trade required maintenance of complex
networks. Disruption of these can make a civilization regress from urban
trading community to subsistence agricultural settlements very fast. The basic
unit of the North Indian plain is the self sustaining village. Sind, Poorvanchal
and Bihar were once one of the most advanced areas of India. Now they have
regressed to simple village life despite increased population, a way of life
which is the basic unit of subsistence in India.
Peculiar patterns of monsoon
behaviour could also change the dynamics of agriculture. IVC is based on
collaborative development of dykes and canals with control of rivers. Periodic
degradation of a civilization by droughts every few years can cause
irretrievable breakdown of the canal maintenance. Loss of central control is
also a cause for a fatal blow. A vital component of administration, when
removed can break the system of canals and irrigation forever. The periodic
monsoon failure can suggest why large cities did not evolve post IVC. The
population of the IVC could have dwindled from 5 million at its peak because the
periodic re-appearance of famine would prevent the population from increasing
to civilizational levels once again.
Despite this, there are problems in
this hypothesis. Many tsunamis/tidal waves/floods caused multiple devastations
of the IVC without a complete failure of the civilization. Dholavira was
completely rebuilt after a flood/tsunami devastation. Similarly, the cities of
the Punjab and Sindh show systematic repair and maintenance after natural
disasters. In subsequent times, post 500 BC when we have historical records, there
have been multiple severe famines with bounceback of the population after a few
years. Complete regression of the civilization with such a drastic fall of
population was not repeated after 1800 BC in the rest of Indian history. This
type of regression was never seen again. Hence it becomes necessary to explain
why the civilization did not return. Having conjectured the survival of IVC
religion and caste system after the decline, the reason for lack of bounce back
also needs explanation. Survival of ideas without survival of the writing
system point to peculiar and unusual changes. Understanding the precise reasons
which caused IVC decline and its end are crucial to understanding the post IVC
remnants in the interregnum period. One factor is climate change. From
dependable monsoon with perennial rivers, India became a country of
periodically repeated monsoon failure during which time there was famine.
Increase of population to civilizational levels would require adaptation to
this phenomenon. Endemisation of small pox is another factor to consider.
The Catastrophy
Regardless of the cause, the end of
the civilization happened because of one simple factor: the factors imposed on
the population to produce the civilization were removed. The law and order
ceased to exist. So the civilization fell. Having already speculated on the
importance of a caste system with only policing and near complete absence of a
military to enforce order, the removal of the discipline of the caste system
would bring about faster and quicker ruin than a civilization in which higher
level of military order is imposed. The higher classes are more precariously
positioned in surviving a catastrophy, since they don’t bear arms, have no
survival skills in difficult situations and are easily preyed upon by even
small bands of marauders.
The situation seen during the
terrible famines of the late 17th century in the nascent East India
company rule and others in the 18th century which are better
described under direct British rule and the famine commission are illuminating.
People from the poorest strata died in the most horrible of circumstances.
People sold their children to each other to be eaten. Anyone dying would be
dismembered and eaten. Undigested corn from cowdung would be dug out and eaten
(when cowdung cakes get exposed to the rain, the surprising number of seeds
germinating would have been observed by many). All of this have happened just
150 years ago. But because of the presence of the Hindu, Muslim or British
military depending upon the date and location, private property and the lives
of the rich were preserved. Only the poor suffered. Once the famine passed,
population levels would have plummeted – as it did in the series of famines
from 1765 to 1795 when the population dropped from 175 to 140 million people - but
life would go on as usual. And slowly, the population would bounce back.
We cannot imagine the same thing
happening in IVC because only a caste system was keeping the order. There was
no large military. Earlier periods of decreasing flow in Gaggar Hakra were
adequately addressed by the administration – probably by shipping food from
other locations where production was adequate, decreasing the size of cities
around the Gaggar Hakra and building more cities in areas with better water
supply. The large granaries would have helped and might have been built only to
withstand the occasional monsoon failure. These measures don’t apply in a
catastrophy which was sufficient to remove social order. If the social order is
removed the civilization collapses. Only two situations can bring about catastrophy.
First is a terrible famine. Second is a pandemic. Combining a pandemic with a
famine makes the effects more potent. Famines cause enormous dislocation of
people as they move from place to place seeking food and water. If they are
also carrying a disease with them, then the effects are amplified manifold.
Smallpox:
There are only a few possible
pandemics which can cause this level of debilitation of a population. Influenza,
plague and smallpox are the main possibilities. Small pox is a far better
candidate because of its historical relationship to massive loss of life. The
decimation of the Native American populations by small pox is well documented.
In fact the effects were so devastating that some American military commanders
have even tried to use biological warfare by sending small pox infected
blankets or dead bodies into Native American villages. The only condition is
exposure of a large previously unexposed population. There are two ways in
which this could have happened to the IVC. The first is from within India. The
Neolithic cultures of Belan valley showed a shift from wild to domesticated
varieties of rice and are widely separated from the IVC. But the later Ochre
coloured pottery people or copper horde people of the region from Rajasthan to Saharanpur
area as well as the Cemetery H people cultivated domesticated rice and extend
from times contemporaneous with the IVC i.e. from before 2000 BC to about 1500
BC. Some have regarded them as the degenerate IVC culture but their geographical
extent is interesting. Since some dates are prior to the mature Harappan end,
it is possible that these people served as a link between the Belan Son valley
rice agriculturists and the IVC. In which case this contact could have brought
diseases with it, including small pox. The second reason is contact with the
Western traders from the middle east, with whom the IVC people had trade links.
Smallpox affects only previously
unexposed people and takes hold when a pool of unexposed individuals
accumulates in a village. It starts suddenly on exposure due to travel and spreads
like wildfire. Unlike Chicken Pox, it doesn’t cause subclinical infections and
is never mild, always severe. After infecting a majority of the village who are
unexposed and having usually killed a third of those affected, the disease also
vanishes suddenly from the village never to visit again for many years – since
people are now immune – reappearing only when a pool of unexposed people
accumulates. Previously unexposed large populations coming in contact with
small pox for the first time are usually decimated in enormous numbers. Native
American epidemics killed large sections of their population, but these were
isolated hunter gatherer groups. The arrival of small pox among the Aztecs of
Mexico, shortly after Cortes invaded, as described in Wikipedia is more
illuminating. Toribio Motolinia, a Spanish monk that witnessed this epidemic,
said: “It became such a great pestilence among them throughout the land that in
most provinces more than half the population died; in others the proportion was
less. They died in heaps, like bedbugs”. Combine that with a famine and one can
imagine the scale of the disaster.
The small
pox hypothesis does seem to have occurred to virologists recently, although I have
believed it for long. A literature search throws up this 2011 paper: “Emergence and reemergence of smallpox: The
need for development of a new generation smallpox vaccine by Sergei N
Shchelkunov”. According to his hypothesis, smallpox emerged from an animal pox
virus three times in history. The first wiped out the IVC but was extinguished
and did not become endemic. The second emerged in middle east in 1200 BC and
then vanished without becoming endemic. The third emerged in Ganges basin in
500 BC but this time the population at 25 million was sufficiently dense to
support endemization with human to human transmission – since a sufficient
population is necessary for supporting high enough prevalence to continuously
circulate. This then infected the Greek invaders and then became endemic
throughout the world, since population was dense enough for endemisation and
travel was sufficient to spread the virus. According to him the mutation causing the jump
happened independently three times.
To me this hypothesis has one big
problem – if the Greek populations were previously unexposed in 300 BC, arrival
of small pox would have caused a sufficiently large disruption of the middle
eastern civilizations to be mentioned in historical records. Similarly, the
1200 BC outbreak would also have been reflected in the records, since it is
quite close to the start of historical record keeping. The fact that calamitous
deaths in 300 BC were not caused in the Western population indicates that there
was residual immunity and the virus was already endemic. Otherwise the Greek
empire would have collapsed immediately. The other problem is the vested
interest of the writer in accepting repeated jumps of the virus to humans, if
it happened in the past, as a cause of future outbreaks – a reason for
continuing virological research and vaccine development. Repeated jumps from
animals to humans is possible and is a definite cause for concern for future
health care research. But a more likely theory based on historical accuracy
suggests endemization post IVC outbreak.
How would it have happened? Let us
look at the spread from east hypothesis which is more interesting because it
was a new event in a previous status quo which has the potential to upset
balances. The Ochre coloured pottery people might have started as the early
dissemination of the IVC culture. Due to slow drying up of the Gagger Hakra,
they would have spread east into the Gangetic plain since this was more fertile
and had better rains and rivers than the drying Sind. Cutting and burning the
forests slowly, they would have perhaps for the first time encountered the
Neolithic agriculturists of the Ganges region.
Smallpox could have already evolved
in the Ganges people if they had sufficient numbers and sufficient contact with
neighboring tribes to give critical population. Not only would it have been a localised
disease due to isolation, it would also have had the effect of severely
limiting the population growth of these people – if it was already endemic in
the Ganges region – explaining the non emergence of civilization in this region
which is equally as fertile as the Indus basin.
Virologists in the above paper however
don’t seem to prefer that scenario, since they are suggesting presence of
critical levels of populations for endemization. In which case the alternative
hypothesis is equally possible - The emergence of contacts between the IVC and
the Ochre coloured pottery people occurred as the IVC expanded east due to slow
desertification. This might have brought them in contact with a new virus, a
type of orthopoxvirus perhaps endemic in the rodents of the new region and
causing cowpox like human skin lesions among the Ganga people. The explorers
from the IVC would have come in contact with this virus and acquired the skin
disease. It might have started circulating in the vastly increased population
of the IVC instead of the small villages of the Ganga people. Then the
catastrophic jump of orthopoxpox from its usual state to the truncated smallpox
virus state, which is only transmissible to humans could have occurred in the
large populations of IVC and wiped out half the population – typically 50% of a
population die after small pox in unexposed populations like in Mexico. But if
50% of the population survived in IVC after the small pox epidemic, then we
still have 2.5 million survivors. Not every remote village would have had
contact with small pox at the same instance, it would have been city centric to
start with. Then it would have travelled to the villages and then a circle of
transmission would have started. It wipes out people only in small confines of
cities – after the fall of Tenochtitlan to both small pox and military
campaign, people of Mexico lived on enduring the continuous presence of small
pox. But if a country has only villages, then the spread is slow and steady as
people travel and disseminate the virus village by village. The Ochre coloured
pottery people would then be the remnants of the IVC post the smallpox epidemic.
Since they did not have urbanisation they might have survived the epidemic
better. Whereas the remnants of the urbanised IVC would have been the Cemetery
H people. We need to presume some survival if the cultural practices were to
have passed on and also because of archeological evidence of post harappan
cities.
This situation is more likely than
that supposed by the authors of the paper who propose a second jump around 500
BC. The assumption of 25 million population for Bihar in 500 BC is also an
overestimate by the virologists, since this date only marks the beginning of
urbanisation in Bihar and population levels would only slowly build up during
the Magadhan periods. The highest estimate of 50-75 million for the Mauryan
empire under Ashoka in 175BC spans the entire Indian subcontinent. A jump of small
pox in 500 BC would have caused a massive and severe outbreak in unexposed
individuals and would have suppressed the population for another few hundred
years. Instead we have explosive growth starting in 500 BC growing from a
village economy to an urbanised economy. This suggests that small pox was
already circulating in the community prior to 500 BC. The explosive growth from
500 BC to 200 BC was possible because the population could survive and outgrow
the deleterious effects of smallpox of causing periodic outbreaks since there
were large sections of already immune people. This would then push back the
transition period for the jump to 800 BC or so – in which case we might as well
hypothesise the endemisation of small pox post its IVC outbreak and circulating
slowly in the villages, 800 BC and 1800 BC being same for this scenario. The
viral genome of small pox is severely shortened in comparison to cowpox. Serial
jumping of this nature seems less likely than a single jump. If the DNA from
the mummies having small pox (prior to the 500 BC jump proposed by the
virologists) can be compared to small pox, it should be possible to tell if it
is same or different and solve the issue of single versus multiple jumps.
In the present hypothesis, travellers
from IVC could have spread it to the middle east around 1800 BC. Just as the
virologists have proposed small pox as the reason for the collapse of multiple
civilizations, similar collapse of multiple civilizations occurred in between
1800 and 1600 throughout the known world. Traditionally this has been ascribed
to Indo Aryan invasions i.e. BMAC, Hyksos, Kassites, Hittites, Mitanni
overwhelming existing empires by use of their superior archery and horse
chariots. A prior collapse of the civilization to be overwhelmed makes it much
easier for the invader and also elongates the time scale. Hyksos and Kassites
are now no longer regarded as IE speakers but they did use horse chariots and
archery – and they were essentially barbarian invasions and caused cultural
regression and a diminution of the civilization of their time. So outbreaks of
small pox in Egypt, Mesopotamia and Anatolia might have reduced the population
by 50% severely weakening their defences. The barbarian hordes of IE speakers
living in small villages, after weathering the smallpox outbreak, could then
have swept in from the steppes after the epidemic had died down. By then small
pox would have become endemic, moving from village to village as it was
happening in India at the same time post IVC collapse. Other times of
civilizational collapse which they quote could have been bigger outbreaks of
small pox or other diseases like influenza or black death. In any case, a post
500 BC spread out of India into the rest of the world would have surely caused
a major calamity and would surely have been recorded by Greek and Roman
historians. A prehistoric outbreak is more likely.
The Indian Mole Rat
The spread of the IVC people into the
Gangetic plain, forced by progressive desertification of the Thar, raises other
possibilities. Bandicota bengalensis or Indian mole rat is one of a large group
of rice paddy field pests who have been used to track the spread of human rice
cultivators in prehistoric times. In Indian stone age, it is typical to find
its teeth fossils in the Deccan rice farming communities. The mole rats usually
are rice pests and different species are adapted to different locations of rice
farmers in Ganges, Bengal, Burma, China, Malaya and Indonesia. However
currently B bengalensis is a pest found all the way west to the Pakistani
frontier. Indus valley grew mainly wheat and barley whereas the Belan valley
cultures grew rice. But late Harappan sites between 2000 to 1800 show rice
cultivation. The Ochre coloured pottery and Cemetery H people also grew rice. This
again raises the possibility of contact with the Belan and Son people causing
westward spread of rice cultivation. And along with the spread of rice, could
have spread the typical rice pest B bengalensis, explaining its presence in
abundance in Pakistan even in the present day. Now the cowpox virus is mainly
found infecting rodents. It is possible that the new pest brought with it a new
type of orthopox virus and this virus then jumped from the bandicoot to humans.
The IVC had granaries and this could have meant an exponential increase of
contact between rats and humans. The presence of the sewage systems of IVC
could have potently amplified the desire of these rats to travel at night
through the sewers towards the granaries, causing behaviour modification of the
vector which would not have been possible in the past in Neolithic rice fields.
In Delhi, the bandicoot does travel through the sewers in just such a fashion
at night. So cities cause behaviour modification in B bengalensis – it lives in
burrows but in the absence of fields, raids other food sources.
Another interesting possibility is
the hoarding behaviour of the mole rat. It lives in burrows among rice fields
and carries grains to a large underground cavity in the burrow system for storage.
Each burrow has some 1 kilo of rice and about 10% of the yield from a field
usually finds its way into the burrows. In the rice fields of the Gangetic
basin, this could have been ignored by the Neolithic people – or they could
have consumed both the rice and the rat. In Bihar a community of people known
as the Musahars still live on these rats. But when this pest spread to the vast
wheat fields of the IVC, hundreds of times greater than the Neolithic
cultivations of the Ganga people, there would have been a population explosion
of this rodent and its behaviour would have been noted by the IVC villagers.
Since the IVC was subjected to periodic famine, people would not ignore this
vital food source. In recent famines of the last century, people would not only
eat the hoarded rice of mole rats, they would also eat the rat itself since it
is a large and quite succulent animal, eaten widely in South East Asia even
today. If the IVC people adopted this behaviour, this would drastically
increase contact between these two large populations of humans and rats and
make a jump more possible than with the previous ecological balance in the
Ganges basin.
So the
presence of an environmental factor i.e desertification caused wider spread of
people, bringing them into contact with newer people, newer crops and newer
animals who were virus vectors. And a pandemic followed when the virus jumped
from the newly arrived vector, with possible behaviour modification caused by
abundant food supply in the granaries. Since the fields in Pakistan were
growing wheat instead of rice, the behaviour of the rodent would in any case be
under modification and in todays Punjab, B bengalensis is a major wheat field
pest. Increased contact between humans and pest would be possible in both rural
and urban locations for different reasons. If large populations were getting
cowpox skin infections, a subsequent jump to the smallpox form is possible.
In a jigsaw
puzzle, when things fall into place, everything gets explained. The above
hypothesis adequately explains why the disease wasn’t present in 700 years from
2500 to 1800 BC but made a sudden appearance. Why the disease arrived due to
population movement and changed behaviour of both humans and nonhumans. And
from there, it also explains why the society collapsed and as discussed later,
why the society did not recover to its previous civilizational extent but
regressed.
Small pox
has another difference from famine – it does not recognise caste. If the social
caste system was so heavy in IVC and maintained by small numbers of archers and
knights – then if these elite fighters all suddenly perished, then the lathi
wielding normal fighters would be able to easily overwhelm the superior castes.
Which they would be inclined to do under a famine situation. So if the majority
of the elites died of small pox and remaining were killed by the lathi
fighters, then a majority of the rulers would get removed and society would
collapse.
Having said
that, there are other possibilities. If rats are involved, the issue of plague
cannot be excluded. But rats and rat fleas would have been widespread in the
IVC granaries. Another possibility is evolution of smallpox in the middle
eastern civilizations, spreading and causing large scale decimation, spread to
IVC via trade and its devastation as well is equally possible. Unlike Iraq,
Syria and Egypt, where an Indo Aryan attack is posited for destruction, there
is another great civilization which died out under mysterious circumstances –
the BMAC or the Bactria Margiana Architectural Complex. Just like the IVC died
out in 1800 BC the BMAC also died out in 1800 BC. Just as suddenly and again
with no reason. If we assume that all these civilizations were affected by
small pox then how were the Indo Aryans not affected? To explain that
situation, we need to assume that the smallpox first started in the Indo
Aryans. It might have precipitated the decline and abandonment of the Andronovo-Sintashta-Archaim
civilizations and then spread out. After the initial debilitation, the Indo
Aryans would have adapted to smallpox better by adopting a more nomadic and
tribal existence of bands of roving tribals, always fighting with everyone and
each other. That way no large population centers would be created. In the
meantime, the spread of smallpox would have destroyed the BMAC, Iraq, Syria and
Egypt as well as IVC which traded with the BMAC. Later after the Indo Aryan
population recovers – first – and expanded their population, they could have
taken over the weakened cities, with their agricultural hinterland depopulated.
But to me this seems more contrived. Why would the cold and arid settlements of
Chelyabinsk be the site for jump of a virus from murine to human transmission? It
is possible but less probable. India has for long been considered as the heart
of the smallpox problem. Smallpox was always endemic in India from where the
global spread occurred.
The post Indus Valley
People
The population of IVC is estimated by
the Kenoyer group at 5 million in about 2000 BC which makes it the most
populous of its time. It was definitely heavily urbanised. Of course we cannot
conclude that all the urban sites were simultaneously occupied. But there were
some 10 cities with 50,000 plus population like Mohenjodaro and Harappa making 500,000
in big cities. Another 70 to 100 towns of 10-15000 population are there mostly
around Gaggar Hakra equalling 1 million. Smaller towns of 5000 or so are there
in profusion and the villages would be having a few hundred people. Assuming
around half the towns were simultaneously occupied, then some half to one
million people would have been in urban centers. Assuming urbanization levels
of 10%, population of 5 million plus is easily calculated and is in keeping
with populations calculated with scientific rigour. The order of magnitude,
which is all we really need, is established.
Now we have reasonable evidence that
the IVC had granaries. While these would be needed for urban life, the level of
organization indicates that the IVC people were well placed to withstand
droughts of smaller magnitude. After the first monsoon failure, I am sure the
people would have been organised enough to guard against the next one and so
storage levels in excess of urban needs can be easily assumed. How they fell
prey to desertification beggars the imagination, when immediately to their
flank the huge gangetic plains was there for slashing, burning and cultivation.
After lasting 800 years, suddenly vanishing despite reasonable adaptation to
the monsoons is intriguing to say the least. Even if attacked by smallpox, they
should have bounced back. If the hypothesis that smallpox attacked all of the
known world is true then the other civilizations bounced back. Why not IVC?
We must therefore assume a change in
the patterns of monsoon. Prior to 2000 BC the monsoon (we know from weather
estimates) was heavier in the gangetic plains and was quite heavy in Pakistan
as well, heavier than the present monsoon in the ganges. Vegetation of the
ganges in those days was thicker and more like rainforest than Terai or plains
forest. A reasonable assumption is that monsoons rarely failed during IVC.
Already the existing area of IVC was under threat of desertification and the
people were moving to the gangetic plains. This migration brought disaster in
the form of smallpox. But still they should have recovered unless the climate
change was very severe, the monsoon failed every few years and caused a major
famine every 10-15 years post 1800 BC.
The population of IVC was so heavily
urbanised because of good productivity of all sections of society. Major
famines would however take a heavy toll especially of the poorer sections. The
weather change could therefore alter the productivity dynamics and this is the
main argument in my hypothesis below which is adaptation of the population to
periodic monsoon failure. Populations could not cross levels critical for
urbanisation as long as periodic monsoon failure caused mass deaths. During
IVC, the entire population was productive and in peace and could achieve high
levels of urbanisation. Post IVC due to monsoon change, the need was for a
different population. One with very high numbers of poor people with low
productivity. These poor people would produce food in excess of needs only for
the rich. When the famine came, these poor would perish in large numbers but
when times improved again, they would again increase their numbers with very
high birth rate. The rich and their knowledge would however continue through
the famine without change, keeping the knowledge systems intact.
The poor would need to be docile
enough to not loot and plunder the rich people in times of famine, because then
the system would break down and the population would decline again. Urbanisation
in this climate would require evolution of social traits which permit the
generation of a rich class who would carry on through the famine and a waxing
and waning underclass who would produce enough to sustain the rich but not
themselves in famine times. In other words, the caste system as we know it. If
the people in the original IVC caste system were not having these tendencies,
the poor would plunder the rich in short shrift in times of famine. The
advanced levels of urbanisation in IVC indicate a more aggressive personality
which produced in excess of needs very different from the slothful and low
productivity of the poor of India. But as the above arguments show, IVC did not
follow military subjugation but caste subjugation without in any way restricting
the vigour of the lower castes. So while we can easily see that the society of
IVC was similar to Egypt and Mesopotamia in terms of social stratification, we
cannot infer the presence of the lower caste docile non aggressive mindset in
IVC at all - quite the reverse. In Mesopotamia and Egypt the lower castes were
subjugated to slavery or close to it by military means, but not so in IVC.
Agricultural success in the post IVC
period would need evolution of different caste traits - a vast section of the
population who lived only to perish in the next famine. Whose social conditions
accepted this fate. In addition the upper castes would have to develop marked
militarization to subjugate the lower castes. Urbanisation can develop in these
changed conditions only after evolution of these social traits. The long period
of 1800 to 500BC for re-emergence of urbanisation points to the time needed for
these to evolve. Anytime the population increased and the poor overwhelmed the
rich, there would be a major set back lasting many years or decades. Whereas if
the poor accepted their fate, the society would bounce back after the next
monsoon. Potent selection pressure.
The assumption therefore is the
continuation of the IVC elite in much smaller numbers for many centuries until
they could emerge again. A higher martial requirement and evolution of a
Kshatriya caste of warriors who could rule over the poor by force of arms
(denied to the poor) would also be needed. Very different from the IVC where I
supposed a small Kshatriya caste and a policing force derived from the poorer
people of lower station. Probably the influx of the Indo Aryan speakers
provided the necessary Kshatriya caste, but it would have started evolving even
earlier. Thus despite survival of the Ochre coloured pottery people till 1500
BC, their society could not evolve the necessary levels of physical violence
from upper castes. That had to wait for the infusion of the Indo Aryan culture
of internecine warfare. Anybody who is familiar with the current lower castes
of India would be surprised by the levels of docile acceptance of fate from
quite poor people – in any other country such poor people would be rioting in
the streets unless ruthlessly suppressed by arms. In the absence of this
docility, the society cannot survive periodic famine. The cycle of repeated failure
of society to adapt to the changed conditions would have continued till the
arrival of the Indo Aryans post 1500 BC, closer to 1200 BC.
In addition to famine which
selectively killed poor people, we can also add circulation of smallpox in the
population as an added level of selection pressure. Smallpox would
indiscriminately, kill people, regardless of social standing, in good numbers.
But after affecting an area it would not emerge there again until enough
unexposed people would accumulate. It therefore favours a population which adopts
village life over urban life or at best small semi urban centers of upper caste
living whereas the lower castes would live in the villages. In large urban centers,
if smallpox arrives, it would devastate the city. So the conditions favour the
evolution of a caste system and adoption of village life. Both of these
happened as we very well know. The archeological evidence shows that there was
good amount of agriculture in the form of the more productive rice cultivation.
So populations would have been high but adapted for village life with caste
system. The selection pressure provided by the combination of periodic famine
and smallpox would have dictated adoption of such a lifestyle. The
preponderance of swords and other weapons in the Copper hoards suggest an
increased adoption of violence and the start of chiefdoms. FR Allchin and
George Erdozy have analysed the emergence of cities in the northern plains in
these times and have supposed the emergence of chiefdoms which would increase
the importance of the few bronze weapons available. Their analysis also shows
an increased ability to support urban living although no urban settlements were
formed. So the evidence and the hypothesis point towards the same effects –
increased number of villages without urban centers. Hence the adaptation
towards famine and smallpox would result in the exact findings which
archaeologists have found.
The Cemetery H and
Ochre coloured pottery people
Presence of
two different post harappan people both cultivating rice but having a different
style of pottery is intriguing. The OCP people might have been an earlier
diaspora from the IVC who met with the Ganga people and survived the first
contact with small pox. Being agriculturists with only small villages, they
would have recovered earlier from the effects of small pox and continued their
life but disconnected from the urban IVC people who were now under the effects
of smallpox devastation. These disconnected OCP people might have struck out
over newer areas of Western UP, Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan and had their own
culture.
The Cemetery
H people would be the more direct descendents of the IVC. After the
devastation, agricultural economy would have collapsed with very low production
due to the depopulation of the villages. Trade would cease especially since we
are supposing the spread of small pox to the middle east as well – so nobody to
trade with. The knowledge and networks built up over millennia would vanish
overnight and the remnants would be forgotten in a couple of generations.
Without the import of ingots and in the absence of local smelting, metal use
would vanish. The few metal smelting sites might get abandoned and the metal
workers would be dead or their craft forgotten. The few survivors would take up
pottery again but having forgotten the previous designs and having lost the
markets of Mesopotamia for their disposal would adopt different colouring and
styles. The society would regress to the basic village unit. It is interesting
that the Cemetery H people adopted the practice of burning the remains of the
dead and burying the ashes in pots. Whereas the Harappans buried their dead in
wooden coffins. It might be because the dead were afflicted and the burning was
carried out to somehow rid the disease. In the last phase of Mohenjodaro the
dead lay where they had fallen – as would happen in a city being abandoned by
its last inhabitants and the remainder dying of smallpox. The virologists have
commented on this as well.
The
surviving upper classes would no longer weald the same authority. Their
specialised knowledge would probably stand forgotten and only a few of the
rituals and practices might be carried on in a degraded form. Not dissimilar
from the way a modern priest in small wayside temple of Delhi functions – more
interested in grabbing land, imperfect knowledge of Sanskrit, using a
bowdlerised version of the rituals, using aggressive caste identity than
scholarship and having no useful knowledge. Hence the ability to build planned
cities, dykes and citadels, the administrative capability to manage a complex
agricultural society would be lost. Trading instincts however are more likely
to persist. So the Cemetery H people would trade with the Ochre coloured
pottery people or the charcoal pit dwellers from east and south as well as the
Gandhara grave culture when they arrive. The ability to navigate the Indus all
the way to the Persian Gulf would have gone but the basic Indus river boat
would have continued to ply as it does to this day, propelling a more basic
goods trading between the small villages of the Cemetery H culture.
But just as
some groups of people survive and maintain their old traditions for a long
period, some at least of the upper classes of IVC would still carry on their
traditions. They would forget the parts which never got used like major trade
routes and canal or dyke building. But they are likely to have persisted with
their small daily rituals. If some basic math or trigonometry was used in
making small tanks this would continue. If in some locations people were used
to building sacrificial fires, then the methods used for its construction would
continue. Praying to terracotta mother goddess figurines would continue. In
fact it might increase if prayer to mother goddess was presumed to save you
from smallpox. And the traders might have regressed to small time trading but
might persist with some of the symbols and devices used for trading – which
later emerged in the punch marked coins and the weighing systems. But with much
smaller population and even smaller urban settlements, it would become more and
more difficult for archaeologists to unearth these artefacts. So only the
copper hordes would get unearthed.
Copper would
now have become precious in the absence of Omani import. The remaining copper
items would be hoarded by these elites especially swords or spears. It is more
likely to have been present with Cemetery H people than Ochre Coloured pottery
people unless these two populations were contemporary and intermixed and the
Cemetry H people traded away their copper items which found their way to the
copper hoards. And so the society regressed to its village subsistence unit and
continued until the equation was changed by the arrival of a new people – the
Indo Aryans.
We need to posit the influence of the Indo Aryans for the
post Harappans to evolve a more evolved military caste. Without bronze weapons
or only hordes remaining from IVC it was not possible for these people to
acquire advanced military. Any massing of lathi wielders would be difficult in
the presence of small pox since concentrated foci would be decimated.
Bowfighters massing would be possible but unnecessary since there was also no
need for massing together into empires. Instead the need was for domination of
a lower caste by an upper caste. So a group of lathi fighters with a few bowmen
would be enough to oppress the poor masses since the violence needed was not to
fight with neighboring chieftains but with the rising up of the masses in times
of periodic famine. For that the kind of caste violence seen in villages of
India right now would be all that is needed.
The Indo Aryans
Homo Sapiens from the middle east
spread out to reach the corners of the world in the old stone age and this was
probably from successive migrations occurring over 50,000 years and probably
reached their final locations before 10,000 BC. In their local areas, they
evolved to suit their local requirements. While it is difficult to be certain,
probably the original homo sapiens of the middle east looked pretty much as the
middle eastern people look today i.e dark hair and eyes, white skin colour. Any
humans reaching close to the Equator whether in Africa, India or South East
Asia would quickly evolve to get dark skin which protect against UV radiation
and skin cancer. Retention of white skin
in areas without so much sun would be required for making Vitamin D – and would
become a greater survival advantage the further north you go. So the original
European population would have evolved white skinned. The blond hair and blue
hair either evolved due to random mutations which improved exposure to sun in
cold climates requiring most of the skin to be covered except the face. Or as
has been suggested could have been a result of sexual selection. In any case,
most of the European hunter gatherer settlements before 10,000 BC would have
been white skinned and have variably light hair and eyes.
The spread of agriculture started
from the middle east in 7-6000 BC and resulted in a population explosion of
those practicing agriculture when compared to hunter gatherers. Along with the
spread of this survival advantage of agriculture spread the various language
groups. Indo European language group
spread out from the area around the Caspian (Azerbaijan to Ukraine to Russia)
and from there to Europe and Steppes of Khazakhstan. This spread of technology and language could
have occurred without much population transfer – i.e the hunter gatherer groups
adopted agriculture and horse raising progressively as they encountered it –
and the transfer of the technology occurred with transfer of the language as
well. More likely, the technological
advantage gave rise to a population explosion which made migrations possible.
Agriculture in middle east developed
in Mesopotamia and Turkey (Catal Huyuk, Jericho etc) and also spread into
Syria, Iraq and Egypt, carrying with it the language which was non Indo
European. And hence the original local evolution of people according to climate
remained intact. i.e The middle eastern people were white skinned with dark
hair and the Europeans remained white skinned and light haired – probably the
people who migrated into Europe faced similar selection pressures for white
skin and hair as the earlier migrations and hence after mixing with the local
population the advantaged phenotype emerged dominant.
Agriculture developed independently
in China and Indus Valley civilization (IVC) at the same time as Caspian Sea, Turkey
and Mesopotamia. They also developed their own local language without infusion
from an outside influence or migration – and hence the dissimilarity with the
Indo Aryan language group. Other places like Gangetic and South India and South
East Asia developed agriculture at a much later period and hence doesn’t figure
in these early histories. The BMAC of Bactria around the Oxus was a Bronze age
civilization between 2300 BC and 1800 BC with Neolithic and chalcolithic
beginnings going back to 4000 BC. It is
another example of localized development of agriculture and whose language is
lost (like that of the IVC) and moreover the people did not have writing.
The Indo-Europeans (IE) come from
East of the Urals around the Chelyabinsk region of Russia bordering
Khazakhstan, from a group of tribal people who had settled down in the Eurasian
Steppes before the Bronze Age. At this time, whole of Khazakhstan (and Ukraine)
was peopled by light skinned Caucasian type of people with light hair and blue
eyes, if we are to believe some of the genetic analysis. They spoke in Indo European
languages and herded animals. They entered the Bronze Age around 2100 BC and
formed the Sintashta culture, the earliest and
most developed of the larger group of the Andronovo culture, existing
around 2100-1300 BC. The Petrovka-Sintashta culture was the most advanced of these cultures with complex metallurgy of
copper from 2000 to 1600 BC and centered around Arkaim in the Urals. Some of
these early Sintashta people migrated eastwards into Khazakhstan to form the
other Andronovo cultures, which regressed into animal herders given the nature
of the steppes.
In the West, in the north Caspian and
Ukraine area, the IE people developed domestication of the horse from 4500 to
2500 BC, which then went East to the Sintashta region and into the Andronovo
Kazakhstan. East of the Khazakhstan Steppes, in Mongolia lived the mongoloid
tribals. They domesticated the wild horses found in the region around 2500 BC
and ever since then they started warfare against the Andronovo and
Sintashta tribals, as well as the Chinese.
The Mongolians were ethnically different from the Andronovo cultures and of
course their horsemanship is legendary. Their peculiar way of life meant
continuous conflict of the Indo European speaking Andronovo people who were
forced into continuous Westward migration along with the horse. Within the
various Andronovo and other Caspean Sea IE Bronze Age cultures, because of the
improved metallurgy from the Ural mountain derived copper ores, the Sintashta
culture centered in the East Urals with Arkaim as the main urban center was
predominant. This was a settlement where people spoke an Indo European
language, did fire sacrifice and buried their dead and are the people from whom
the Indo Iranians are derived. With further development of this culture, these
copper using people adopted the horse raising practices of the other Andronovo
people. Around 2000 BC, the Sintashta
culture with large urban settlements were the only large urban settlements ever
formed by Indo European people in this region. They not only practiced horse
raising and copper smelting, they developed the use of horse drawn chariots and
special bows and arrows for use in a specialized form of mobile chariot warfare.
The Sintashta people traded with the
BMAC civilization and mainly exported copper ore. However the new development
of Chariot warfare made these Indo-Aryan people the most advanced warriors this
side of the Mongols. Intitially, before the development of defensive methods
against chariots (which came within 100 years in Egypt after the Hykso period)
- the Chariots gave great mobility
against infantry and the horse was an unknown animal of tremendous power.
Pressed continuously by Mongol raids, Khazakhstan was never at peace. Arkaim
itself shows evidence of burning towards the end. Without the stirrup, using
just a rope tied around the horse, it is difficult to have a cavalry. Only the
Mongols, wedded to the horse, could use large scale cavalry warfare. Hence use
of a narrow war chariot is a better way to conduct warfare using fast moving
horses by more normal warriors than the Mongols. And stirrups are a much later
development probably around 500 BC, when large scale cavalry warfare became
possible.
So it is likely that from 1800 to
1500 BC the Sintashta people migrated. It is possible that these migrations
were first triggered by the arrival of smallpox in other cities of the region
with whom the Sintashta people traded. Perceiving their weakness, when pressed
by the Eastern steppe nomads whether Mongol or Indo European, they would migrate
first into the basin of the Oxus, which is in a direct line. So the first
people whom they invaded were the BMAC cultures of the Uzbek/Tajik/East Caspian
sea region, which is well established from archeological records. In all
likelihood the BMAC had been debilitated by smallpox and was too weak to
withstand the Indo Europeans. We know that the Anatolian, Egyptian, Syrian and
Iraqi regions had Hittite, Mitanni, Kassite and Hykso rule respectively for a
five hundred year period from 1800 to 1300 BC and beyond. That these new
invaders were horse raising people and practiced chariot warfare is evident
from different types of pictures available, especially of the Hittites and the
Hyksos. The Hittites themselves were probably derived from related IE people
closer to the West Caspian sea (Ukraine, Azerbaijan). Mittanni is not only Indo European but Indo
Aryan speaking and prayed to Mitra Varuna and Indra. Any link between Rig Veda
and Mitanni has to be umbilical. The Mitanni were a super class who ruled the
Hurrians and probably the lingua franca of Mitanni would not have been Indo
Aryan at all. Instead Indo Aryan would just have been a language of the upper
class in scriptures (like Latin or Sanskrit). Around the same time, Kassite
rule in Iraq and Hykso rule in Egypt overthrowing the previous regimes also
occurred. It would be easy to say that Hyksos and Kassites were also
Indo-Aryan. However, it is now believed that although Hyksos and Kassites used
the horse chariots, they might not have been Indo-European speakers. The only
recognizable Kassite deity as far as Vedic religion is concerned is the Maruts.
So perhaps these people learnt chariot warfare from the Hittites and were
themselves non Indo Aryan in origin, language and religion. But they seem to fit
well into a scheme of Mesopotamia being ruled by an elite speaking Indo Aryan
but coming from the Steppes and practicing a different religion. The earlier
Hykso conquest and rule in Egypt in 1800 BC and their worship of a storm God
Seth definitely harks to an Indo Aryan theme, although most people do not
believe that the Hyksos were Indo Aryan in origin, despite their horse chariot
warfare and use of the compound bow.
Continuing to be pressed from their
homeland in the Urals and Khazakhstan, other Indo-Iranian tribals migrated at
other later times. The most important of these is the Iranians who settled first
Persia around 1400 to 1200 BC (Medes and Persians). Scythians and Parthians are other big Indo
Iranian migrations occurring much much later in the historical period. Most of
these migrations must have been in stages – from Khazakhstan to Azerbaijan or
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan and then West into Persia and East into Pakistan
and Afghanistan.
So the homeland of the Indo Europeans
is in the plains north of the Caspian Sea and into the Russian and Khazakh
Steppes, from where they migrated to Turkey and Mesopotamia between 1800 to
1300 BC. Such a major migration and conquest could have been precipitated by
the vacuum caused by a smallpox pandemic. Archeological evidence from Sintashta
culture strongly suggests that it is closely linked to both the Gandhara Grave
Culture, the BMAC and the Rig Veda. Linguistics also suggests the same. The
Mitanni are definitely related to the Rig Vedic people based on names of Kings
and people as well as their known deities. The Rig Vedic people and the
Mittanni must have existed in close proximity from 1500 BC to 1350BC – since
that is the time frame of the Mitanni. The close relationship between the
Iranians and the Rig Vedic Aryans suggests that they evolved in close proximity
perhaps in the Turkmenistan region. The Rig Vedic and Mittanni dispersals seem
to have occurred in opposite directions. Mittanni went west into Syria and the Indo
Aryans east into Afghanistan and India. The Iranians themselves continued to
inhabit Parthia and then migrated south into Iran by 1200 BC or so. In these
times, i.e 1500 BC, given the dominance of the Mittanni further West, it is
possible than the entire Turkmenistan to Uzbekistan region was dominated by the
Rig Vedic Indo Aryans while the tribes who later became the Medes and Persians
were under the thumb of the Rig Vedic people. This would justify the major
expedition of the Vedic Aryans into Syria where the Mitanni Kingdom was formed.
The reverses suffered by the Mittanni and their decimation by the Assyrians and
being sold into slavery and slaughter would have been a factor in the local
decline of the Indo Aryans. The Medes and Persians would have seen their chance
and in a major reversal would have overrun the Vedic Aryans causing their
displacement into India. This would explain the animosity between the Iranians
and the Indo Aryans since the Iranians seem to hate the worshippers of the
Deva. Alternately the Indo Aryans of the BMAC region slowly trickled into the
Afghanistan region and by 1300 AD were sufficiently massed in the region to
invade the Indus basin.
The Indo Aryans of Uzbek-Tajik region
and the Iranians/Persians of Turkmenistan would have been a continuum from 1600
to 1300 BC. Some of the peripheral tribes of these people would have also
explored along the Afghanistan valleys and settled around the Helmand, the
Kabul and the Swat rivers i.e. Sistan, Peshawar and and Swat regions. The initial
settlers might have been a more peaceful sheep herding kind of people rather
than the more war like core Indo Aryans and the Persians who were further west.
They might not have ventured into the Indus plains which were inhabited by the
Cemetery H people. Their initial numbers would have been small. Their
settlements would correspond to the earliest level of the Gandhara Grave
Culture (GGC) along Swat and Chitral. Instead of venturing into the
agricultural plain, some of them might have ventured into the Kashmir valley
which is a cold place similar to Afghanistan in weather. These people might
have spoken a dialect of the Indo Aryan language and would have ultimately
become the Dardic speaking people. So the Swat and Kashmir people might have
been the earliest Indo Aryans to have arrived in India.
Internecine warfare between the Indo
Aryans and the Persians is clearly indicated by the hatred of the ancient
Persian texts for the Devas. The Indo Aryans held the Devas to be sacred and
the greatest Deva of all was Indra. Indra is similar to the Iranian Verethragna
but might have become more prominent in the BMAC by association with other
local deities. The Persians however were violently opposed to this new God and
might have extended their opposition to the other Gods of the Indo Aryan
pantheon like Mitra and Nasatyas. The equivalent of the main Ahura God who
became Ahura Mazda was Varuna in the Indo Aryan pantheon. Ahura and Asura are
the pronounciations of the same word in Persian and Indo Aryan respectively.
Varuna and other powerful Gods were indeed referred to as Asuras in the Rig
Veda. Indra was the chief war god of the Indo Aryans and others who did not
believe in Indra i.e. Persians might have called him Deva. Indra is always
considered a younger God. So Asura would have evolved in the Sintashta dispersal
whom the Indo Aryans would have called Varuna while Indra might have been a
newer God who evolved in the BMAC. Persians called the Asura to be Ahura and
hated the Devas i.e. everyone else other than Ahura. Conflict between the two
tribes is indicated and since from 1200 the Medes and Persians were strong and
numerous, it suggests that around 1400 BC the Persians prevailed over the Indo
Aryans, perhaps around the same time as the defeat of the Mittanni further west.
Pressed by their enemies and preferring not to be subjugated and anyway having
a more nomadic animal herding life style, the Indo Aryans migrations into Afghanistan
might have increased, to join their bretheren who had settled there previously.
The more peaceful earlier Indo Aryan people would have been pushed by the later
Indo Aryans higher into the mountains of Swat, Gilgit and Kashmir where they probably
live to this day and speak a language derived from Indo Aryan, the Dardic
languages i.e. Kohistani, Kashmiri etc.
The main part of the Indo Aryans settlements
would have been in Afghanistan in Sistan along Helmand and Argandab and the North
West Frontier Provinces in modern day Peshawar region along the sides of the
Kabul river and lower Swat river. In their initial forays they would have
defeated the outposts of the Cemetery H people in the region where the Kabul
river joins the Indus. As we have seen, the Cemetery H people were numerous and
lacking big towns and strong central authority. Unlike the IVC people, they
were evolving a more aggressive upper caste and a more heavily subjugated lower
caste because of the famines. The Cemetery H people were the Dasyu and would
not have been any match for the Indo Aryans, who were major campaigners who had
large quantities of metal weapons, composite bows and mobile chariotry. Then
the Indo Aryans settled in this location extending from Kabul to Jalalabad to
Peshawar to the Argandab basin, lower reaches of Swat valley and into the
plains at Taxila near modern Rawalpindi. The main part of the Indo Aryan migration
would have been between 1400 and 1300 BC and might correspond to layers II of
the Gandhara Grave Cullture. The dates correspond well with the dates seen for
GGC layer 2 which would therefore be the main Indo Aryans settlers. Layer 3 of
GGC dated between 1000 and 500 BC would indicate the progressive Dasyu
influence after they had been defeated and subjugated. So from simple burial in
GGC1 and GGC2, in GGC3 we have a shift to burial after incineration as seen in
Cemetery H culture of the Dasyu. The pottery and bronze age artefacts of the
GGC 1 and 2 bear resemblance and continuity to the late BMAC settlements.
The early part of the Samhita of Rig
were composed in this location near Peshawar. The Helmand and Argandep or the Kabul
river joining the Indus would be the main identification of Saraswati and the
Sindhu respectively. The Kabul river, after it is joined by the Swat, carries
more water and this location downstream might in the main be referred to as
Saraswati especially the part which floods. But other mountain streams like
Swat, upper Arghandab in the Jalalabad region, upper Helmand in the Kabul
region and many other similar rivers could also be called the Saraswati since
the term might be generic for mountain river. But a number of descriptions
suggest that there are only two rivers described in Book 1 of Rig i.e. the
Sindhu and Saraswati joining the Sindhu. Both have floods in which Arya were
swept away. But the Saraswati is a fast flowing mountain river which
occasionally floods whereas the Sindhu is a large river with extensive floods
as described in the Rig. So the Kabul river is the best identification of the
Saraswati. This fits well with the later description of the sapta sindu i.e.
seven rivers being the Indus, Kabul and the 5 tributaries of the Indus in
Punjab. Identifying the Indus as the Sindhu is of course obvious. Called Hindu
by the Persians the whole region east of the Indus is the Hindustan.
The identification of the Kabul as
Saraswati is at odds with the later Nadistuti of the 10th book of
Rig. The Nadistuti is obviously a later interpolation but the exact time of the
interpolation gives important clues to the change in identification. It is of
course possible that it was interpolated much later but 500 BC is a good date
because the identification of rivers is repeated in the Yajus, Sama and
Atharvan and also in the Brahmanas. So an early recast of the river names
suggest that it reached the Rig around the date for recompilation of the Rig
which is likely to be 500 BC. So why did the Arya forget the identification of Saraswati
and call the Kabul river Kubha? One possibility is because of accretion of the
legends of the Dasyu into the vocal culture of the Arya. The Dasyu would have
been carrying the stories of the river which vanished and caused their decline,
the Gaggar Hakra. Over the 800 years of cultural development, as the bulk of
the Aryans started residing in the plains, the story of the river which
vanished would have been incorporated into their lore. The Nadistuti mentions
the Ganges for the first time as also Yamuna. In the whole of the Rig, it is
always the land of the 7 rivers and never is the Ganges and Yamuna mentioned
except here. So the legend of the Ganga Yamuna Saraswati seems to have been
prevalent even at this early date of 500 BC and seeped into the Veda during
recompilation. And having mis-identified the Saraswati – perhaps by popular
demand of the people or by slow corruption of the original stories, the Kabul
became Kubha and the Saraswati a river lost a millennium ago. If this happened
– which is likely, this tells us that the Dasyu legends were very much a part
of the Vedic lore by then – although not within the Vedic hymns. And hence when
the hymns were codified and fixed in 500 BC, many Brahmins believing in the
legend of the lost Saraswati would have inserted the hymn into the Veda –
perhaps like the Atharva, it was circulating for centuries before being
recognised.
The Avesta was written in its final
form during the Achemenid empire (pre-500 BC). The actual hymns are perhaps
many centuries more ancient maybe from 1000 BC. But the final form was during
the height of the Acheminid empire which had writing - and plenty of it - not only old Persian but
Akkadian and Aramaic. Avesta is of course of Indo Iranian language
derivation, the Persians probably coming from the East Caspian Turkmenistan region
after the Medes who also came from the same area between 1200 and 600 BC in
successive waves. However, after composition and inscription of the Avesta into
royal tablets (possibly written in old Persian and now lost – destroyed by
Greek invasion according to fable) they were then committed to the memory of priests
who preserved it by oral tradition for a few hundred centuries – without
writing - until they were again written
down in Pehlavi and later after the Parsis came to India, in scripts derived
from Brahmi. Something very very similar is likely to have happened with the
Rig.
The Sintashta and the BMAC dont have
writing. Sintashta culture probably moved west and south under Mongol or other
tribal invasions. Definite evidence of BMAC being replaced by Andronovo
cultures after 1800 BC exists – proving the migration and its date. The
Satapatha Brahmana has very definite evidence of Mesopotamian influence
including the story of a flood with a giant fish – That is Gilgamesh (and the
much later Matsya avatara story of Puranic Hinduism) and is likely a relic from
the interaction of the Indo Aryan people with the Mesopotamians. At one point,
the entire extent all along the south Caspian i.e. Tajikistan, Uzbekistan,
Turkmenistan, northern Iran along Caspian, Northern Iraq near Mosul and into
Syria must have been under the sway of the Indo Aryans although they could not
maintain this for long. At that time, the story of Gilgamesh must have found
its way into the earliest version of the Brahmana which was later enlarged. The
period was too remote for them to have learned Aramaic or other writing and in
any case the bulk of the people who went west were the Mittanni who definitely
learned cuneiform writing evidenced by the Kikuli tablet but were annihilated
by their enemies. The remainder probably retreated back into the BMAC and being
hard pressed by their Persian cousins, probably stayed only for a couple of
hundred years in the BMAC from 1600 to 1400 BC. Writing was probably not
important for their way of life. Their stay in Afghanistan Peshawar region was
the longest, from 1400 BC till the coming of Persians and Greeks in 500 BC.
After contact with the Achemenid empire in 500 BC they did learn writing in the
form of Kharoshti and post Mauryan invasion they wrote in Brahmi script. The
other possibility that the story of Gilgamesh came with the Greeks does not gel
with the present projected date for writing of the Brahmanas.
The Indo Aryans who came to India
had many characteristics needed for settling the north Indian plains. They had
a village centric life ideally suited for living in the time of small pox. They
were already exposed to small pox in their times in the BMAC and other regions
or had been exposed in their northern homes themselves – a reason for
abandoning the city life of the Sintashta and becoming pastoralists despite
advanced metallurgy. So they lived in villages but still had horse drawn
weapons and chariots. Colonising the post Harappan plains was clearly their
destiny.
The Rig Veda
Since the Rig Veda Samhita is the
earliest source for information about these people a reading of it from the
online sacred-texts upload i.e. Griffith’s translation is illuminating. The following comments are based on reading
Books 1 through to about half of book 10. The last book is of a different
vintage than the rest of the Rig Veda. The contents are different, the language
is different and most commentators hold it to be of later composition. As such
the reading of Book 10 is better left to be done in conjunction with the Atharvan
and the Brahmanas. But having covered the Nadistuti and Purusha Sukta, I will
be looking at them in the appropriate area.
Despite the opinion of many
commentators, a reading of the Rig gives an impression of continuity and
sequence i.e. the first books seems like the beginning. As already discussed
the last book feels like the last addition and within the other books also, the
sequence seems maintained. So in book 1 the scenery is more mountainous with
swift streams corresponding to the Arghandeb and Peshawar region. Subsequently
the scene shifts to the Punjab going further and further east and for the most
part stays within Punjab and doesn’t go into the Ganges basin except in later
interpolations of book 10. It is reasonable to assume that when the Rig was
compiled, the priests knew exactly what the sequence was by tradition, which
was much closer to them than our remote reading and hence compiled it according
to the correct sequence.
The main issues to be solved are the
location of the terrain, the Saraswati river, the relationship of the Rig Vedic
people with the local people and also exactly how the integration of these two
disparate cultures was accomplished. The way of life of the Arya is already well
commented upon and described, forming as it does the vast majority of the Rig.
Any glimmer of the way of life of the native population is the main thing to
look for. In addition, differences from the normal usual life of the Aryans as
explained by previous commentators – things ascribed to them which are not
being evident – would also throw some light on what came into the culture from
those who lived in the land before the Arya. The most glaring of these is the
complete absence of the caste system in the Rig. But more on that later.
Most hymns in the first book are to
Indra and Agni who carries the prayers to the Gods. Varuna, is not important in
the first book except in one part. He seems to be considered the older and
wiser God, keeping things in order and one whom you would fear if you break the
laws. Mitra is similar but less often addressed. Mitra, Varuna and any of the
Gods being addressed as the most important and ancient - are called Asura. So
in this period of the Rig Veda, the important Gods are called the Asura, same
as the Ahura of the Iranian people. The Gods are almost never addressed as
Devas. The term Viswedevas (all Gods) is there in the title of the hymn, but
not in the hymn themselves. So perhaps the Viswedevas in the title came later
while arranging and compiling the Veda. Asura is mainly the name of Varuna but
sometimes Indra in being praised is also called Asura. There are in the whole
of Rig about four verses which are ambiguous about Asura, with a negative
rather than a positive and glorifying sense. It is possible that these are
either of later vintage – since these occur in the later books – or perhaps
mistakes. Such mentions in book 10 should of course be analysed differently.
The overall arrangement of each book is similar – hymns to Agni start off every
book, then hymns to other Gods, then a major part extolling Indra, then calling
on the other Gods. Towards the end are more unusual hymns which are either
individual poetry by the main composers on odd topics or in some instances they
could be later interpolations.
Throughout the Rig, there are
numerous references to stories which are now lost – about people and events
which at the time of composition would have been the topic of legend and
folklore. But reading them now is baffling – just a glimpse - a fragment of a
story which would have been talked about in detail by the people. Strangely,
these stories are in many cases different in the different books. Some stories
are repeated in every book, almost by rote – like the killing of Vritra, the
rescue of the cattle from the mountain of Vala, the killing of Ahi, the killing
of Vishna, the destruction of the forts of Sambara – these are repeated ad
nauseum, as if the hymn could not be written without extolling the major
exploits of Indra. Sometimes when another God is being praised, these exploits
are also shifted to the other God. The Dasa and Dasyu killing is also talked
about in this fashion and hence it becomes necessary to analyse each of these instances
to see whether it is giving actual detail or whether it is just blind
repetition which is unhelpful in drawing conclusions. But the other special
stories about individual people are unfamiliar and strange. They don’t repeat
and instead in each book another group of such stories are written.
Rig Veda 1.1.1 is a simple prayer to
Agni as priest, bestower of wealth. These type of prayers are boringly repetitive
and with the same theme - praise for the God being addressed and request for
health or wealth or might in battle. So 1.2 is prayers to Vayu and Mitra
Varuna, 1.3 to Asvins, Nasatyas, Indra, Vishvedevas - addressed in sequence
like in any mantra sequence. Last three lines mention Saraswati
“10
Wealthy in spoil, enriched with hymns, may bright Sarasvatī desire, With eager
love, our sacrifice.
11
Inciter of all pleasant songs, inspirer of all gracious thought, Sarasvatī
accept our rite
12
Sarasvatī, the mighty flood,—she with her light illuminates, She brightens
every pious thought”
So Saraswati the river which floods as
referred above is important and subsequently is repetitive. Amu Darya, Helmand
in the lower reaches, Kabul river and Indus can flood in these regions and
which have open area good for animal grazing. Of these, the Kabul river seems
more probable given absence of more severe cold of Uzbekistan and Helmand
regions of Afghanistan where the winters are pretty cold and goes sub zero.
Pakistan i.e Punjab and NWFP has much better temperatures which doesnt dip much
below zero except for a few days. Peshawar on the Kabul river has much better
weather than the other side of the Khyber pass in Kabul. So the flooding river
could just be Kabul river and Indus would be the Sindu. The area would be good
for animal husbandry especially for cows and horses. Across the Indus the post
harappan lands and the forests start. But the Peshawar area has gentler climate than
Afghanistan and could be a good climate to settle in. The Kabul river would be
a better place to settle than in Helmand river basin or the high mountains
where the Hazara graze goats and if a people are migrating from Uzbekistan and
Tajikistan, they are more likely to come to Peshawar, displacing the previous
Dardic peope to higher reaches of the mountains. The mention of spoil in the
verses above is interesting. It suggests that on the banks of the Saraswati
lived a people who could be looted. Which suggests the banks of the Kabul river
before it joins the Indus and the west bank of the Indus along which cemetery H
culture was living.
The evidence from the Iranians is
however more in keeping with Afghanistan. The Iranians called the Saraswati as
Haraxwati, just as they called Asura as Ahura. The Iranians say that the
Haraxwati flows in the Sistan and Khandahar regions of Afghanistan. This is
recorded by the Greeks as well. That suggests that it was either the Helmand –
which floods as per above description – or the Argandeb which joins the
Helmand.
Most likely the Saraswati of the Veda
refers to a number of swift flowing rivers. It might even refer to the Oxus in
historicity though this is very very unlikely. Not impossible if the priesthood
preserved portions of the hymns used during the BMAC sojourn. More likely it
refers to the swift mountain streams of the Afghanistan and NWFP i.e. Argandab,
Helmand, Kabul and Swat rivers – since the later names Swastu and Kubha are not
referred to in the Rig Veda despite the Indus being repeatedly referred to and
the other 5 rivers of the Punjab also being referred to but not the Kabul or
Swat till the 10th chapter. The ghandhara Grave culture was
definitely living along the Swat and similar burrial sites in the Helmand
region are currently unfortunately in the hands of the Pushtun Taliban. But
previous excavations suggest a large burial culture along the Helmand similar
to the Swat. So the obvious conclusion is either the Swat Kabul system which I
prefer because flows into the Indus or the Argandeb Helmand system. It could
mean mountain stream and hence both.
Coming back to the Veda, the prayers
to Indra are numerous, called Satakratu and Vritra slayer, Sakra wealth giver
and son of Kusika, rider of chariot drawn by bay horses and who burst the
mountain to bring the kine, crusher of forts, who overthrew the wily Susna.
Although the terms crusher of forts and destroyer of the serpent brings to mind
the possible allegory towards the clouds and rain, more likely it is actual
physical destruction of the forts of the Dasyu. Like the lightning cleaving the
clouds to bring the rain, the power of the Arya in inflicting powerful damage
on the forts of the locals is referred. Prayers to Agni, called Narasamsa, and appointed
by Manu as priest suggest the importance of Manu as the original Man – a theme
which is repeated throughout the Rig. Calling a lot of Gods and Godesses who are
also frequently addressed and are not unimportant to prayer is a recurrent
feature. The composers, like the Kanvas for this part, are frequently named.
Vishnu makes first appearance as
usual as the strider - who made the three strides. Also called a guardian Vishnu
has reasonable importance in the Rig. Clearly the later Epics and Puranas
invented the Vamana avatara stories to fit around this legend which is of the
most ancient and has nothing to do with the Dasavatara stories. Sloka 11 comes
in the sandhya vandana which would have been memorised after thread ceremony. 1.25
has more prayers to Varuna. Prayer order is different from what is found in the
daily use Sandhya vandana - probably these same are rearranged in the Yajur
Veda. Varuna is described as wearing golden mail.
11
I ask this of thee with my prayer adoring; thy worshipper craves this with his
oblation.
Varuṇa,
stay thou here and be not angry; steal not our life from us, O thou Wide-Ruler.
तत तवा यामि बरह्मणा वन्दमानस्तदा शास्ते यजमानो हविर्भिः |
अहेळमानो वरुणेह बोध्युरुशंस मा न आयुःप्र मोषीः ||
यच्चिद धि ते विशो यथा पर देव वरुण वरतम |
मिनीमसिद्यवि-दयवि ||
इमं मे वरुण शरुधी हवमद्या च मर्ळय |
तवामवस्युरा चके ||
1.32 Here we have the main Indra legend about the slaying of
Vritra. Using the thunderbolt Vajra, fashioned by Tvastar, he kills the
serpent. The fort referred to here are the clouds and Indra is the God of
thunder and Vajra is his lightning splitting the clouds. These dont mean actual
forts. And the demon is called a snake.
HYMN
XXXII. Indra.
1
I WILL declare the manly deeds of Indra, the first that he achieved, the
Thunder-wielder.
He
slew the Dragon, then disclosed the waters, and cleft the channels of the
mountain torrents.
2
He slew the Dragon lying on the mountain: his heavenly bolt of thunder Tvaṣṭar
fashioned.
Like
lowing kine in rapid flow descending the waters glided downward to the ocean.
3
Impetuous as a bull, he chose the Soma and in three sacred beakers drank the
juices.
Maghavan
grasped the thunder for his weapon, and smote to death this firstborn of the
dragons.
4
When, Indra, thou hadst slain the dragon's firstborn, and overcome the charms
of the enchanters,
Then,
giving life to Sun and Dawn and Heaven, thou foundest not one foe to stand
against thee.
5
Indra with his own great and deadly thunder smote into pieces Vṛtra, worst of Vṛtras.
As
trunks of trees, what time the axe hath felled them, low on the earth so lies
the prostrate Dragon.
6
He, like a mad weak warrior, challenged Indra, the great impetuous many-slaying
Hero.
He,
brooking not the clashing of the weapons, crushed—Indra's foe—the shattered
forts in falling.
7
Footless and handless still he challenged Indra, who smote him with his bolt
between the shoulders.
Emasculate
yet claiming manly vigour, thus Vṛtra lay with scattered limbs dissevered.
8
There as he lies like a bank-bursting river, the waters taking courage flow
above him.
The
Dragon lies beneath the feet of torrents which Vṛtra with his greatness had
encompassed.
9
Then humbled was the strength of Vṛtra's mother: Indra hath cast his deadly
bolt against her.
The
mother was above, the son was under and like a cow beside her calf lay Danu.
10
Rolled in the midst of never-ceasing currents flowing without a rest for ever
onward.
The
waters bear off Vṛtra's nameless body: the foe of Indra sank to during
darkness.
This is one of the most detailed
descriptions for the slaying of Vritra the serpent dragon. This simply has to
be inspired by the impressive clouds of the monsoon being called as a fort and
the deluge following the cloud burst with thunder and lightning, which brings
the much needed water for the cattle to prosper. Clearly this would need to be
composed in Peshawar where the monsoon would be visible dramatically rather
than in Helmand province.
But in addition the impressive show
of strength is immediately applied to the other foes faced by the Arya i.e. the
Dasyu, in the next following verse
11
Guarded by Ahi stood the thralls of Dāsas, the waters stayed like kine held by
the robber.
But
he, when he had smitten Vṛtra, opened the cave wherein the floods had been
imprisoned.
12
A horse's tail wast thou when he, O Indra, smote on thy bolt; thou, God without
a second,
Thou
hast won back the kine, hast won the Soma; thou hast let loose to flow the
Seven Rivers.
13
Nothing availed him lightning, nothing thunder, hailstorm or mist which had
spread around him:
When
Indra and the Dragon strove in battle, Maghavan gained the victory for ever.
14
Whom sawest thou to avenge the Dragon, Indra, that fear possessed thy heart
when thou hadst slain him;
That,
like a hawk affrighted through the regions, thou crossedst nine-and-ninety
flowing rivers?
15
Indra is King of all that moves and moves not, of creatures tame and horned,
the Thunder-wielder.
Over
all living men he rules as Sovran, containing all as spokes within the felly.
So the slaying of the dragon is a myth inspired by the
thirsting people waiting for the monsoon and the power is invoked for strength
in fighting. But in addition the description of the foe is interesting. Guarded
by a dragon – does it mean that the Dasas were worshippers of an alien God? The
power of the sorcerers also suggests the same alien beliefs. Thralls of Dasas
sounds like a big army of footsoldiers, an enslaved fighting group pushed by
the leaders who worship alien Gods. The cattle owned by these people might be
the reason why the Arya were raiding them – the Dasyu too were cattle raisers
just like the Arya and hid them in guarded stalls or perhaps even caves or
mountain ravines – obviously to hide them from the lustful eyes of the Arya.
Later descriptions are even more interesting:
1.33.4
Thou slewest with thy bolt the wealthy Dasyu, alone, yet going with thy
helpers, Indra!
Far
from the floor of heaven in all directions, the ancient riteless ones fled to
destruction.
5
Fighting with pious worshippers, the riteless turned and fled, Indra! with
averted faces.
When
thou, fierce Lord of the Bay Steeds, the Stayer, blewest from earth and heaven
and sky the godless.
6
They met in fight the army of the blameless: then the Navagvas put forth all
their power.
They,
like emasculates with men contending, fled, conscious, by steep paths from Indra,
scattered.
7
Whether they weep or laugh, thou hast o’erthrown them, O Indra, on the sky's
extremest limit.
The
Dasyu thou hast burned from heaven, and welcomed the prayer of him who pours
the juice and lauds thee.
8
Adorned with their array of gold and jewels, they o’er the earth a covering
veil extended.
Although
they hastened, they o’ercame not Indra: their spies he compassed with the Sun
of morning.
9
As thou enjoyest heaven and earth, O Indra, on every side surrounded with thy
greatness,
So
thou with priests hast blown away the Dasyu, and those who worship not with
those who worship.
10
They who pervaded earth's extremest limit subdued not with their charms the
Wealth-bestower:
Indra,
the Bull, made his ally the thunder, and with its light milked cows from out
the darkness.
11
The waters flowed according to their nature; he raid the navigable streams
waxed mighty.
Then
Indra, with his spirit concentrated, smote him for ever with his strongest
weapon.
12
Indra broke through Ilībiśa's strong castles, and Śuṣṇa with his horn he cut to
pieces:
Thou,
Maghavan, for all his might and swiftness, slewest thy fighting foeman with thy
thunder
13
Fierce on his enemies fell Indra's weapon: with. his sharp bull he rent their
forts in pieces.
He
with his thunderbolt dealt blows on Vṛtra; and conquered, executing all his
purpose.
14
Indra, thou helpest Kutsa whom thou lovedst, and guardedst brave Daśadyu when
he battled,
The
dust of trampling horses rose to heaven, and Śvitrā's son stood up again for
conquest.
15
Śvitrā's mild steer, O Maghavan thou helpest in combat for the land, mid
Tugra's houses.
Long
stood they there before the task was ended: thou wast the master of the
foemen's treasure.
The wealth of the Dasyu is patent. He
has cattle, he has gold, he is riteless i.e. not Aryan. Dasyu had spies, they
were in large numbers and covered the ground – a major army. The battle ground
was steep so it is set in the hills. It is likely that this was a foray of the
Arya from Afghanistan into Peshawar region and the area was well defended by
the local people. Dasyu seems to stand for the unGodly enemies, whom Indra
helps the Arya to kill while the term Dasa seems to be for the native people in
general. So Dasyu would be the term for this group of riteless people whereas
Dasa would be for the same common people or their footsoldiers without
reference to their religion. The forts
here seem more like real forts and could be the smaller towns seen during the
post Harappan phase. The defenders knew the area well and must have fortified
to guard against the barbarian Aryans hordes whom they knew were massing
outside. The Dasyu are named – Ilibisa and Susna. Susna is repeatedly referred
to in other hymns later and the initial defender must have made an impression
to be referred to so many times later. The hymn shows that the Arya were a
fighting people and looted the forts they won and the foeman’s treasure was
evidently repeatedly gathered, since these verses of gathering booty and
rending forts are repeated throughout the Rig. But this is one of the most
detailed descriptions of the fight against the Dasyu, other references are just
passing repetitions. People are named in 1.36. Perhaps these hymns were
composed after every fight and Indra is said to help the returning fighters - a
sensible explanation. So the Yadu would be a group of fighters from one of the
important fighting families.
1.35.
9 The golden-handed Savitar, far-seeing, goes on his way between the earth and
heaven,
Drives
away sickness, bids the Sun approach us, and spreads the bright sky through the
darksome region.
10
May he, gold-handed Asura, kind Leader, come hither to us with his help and
favour.
Driving
off Rākṣasas and Yātudhānas, the God is present, praised in hymns at evening.
Here Savitar is also called Asura. So
Mitra, Varuna, Agni,and Savitar and a few others would be the more ancient
great Gods from an ancestral memory and Indra, Maruts and Aswins would be the
newer and younger Gods more closely identified with these specific people. Rakshasas
and Yatudhanas or vampires are more likely mythical enemies than actual ones. I
doubt if it refers to cannibal practices. Some of the hymns like 1.41 have intriguing
wording of prayers to Varuna and are quite difficult to understand even in
English and might indicate a more mystic hymn, whose significance would need
commentary from a teacher or senior priest.
1.42.
2 Drive, Pūṣan, from our road the wolf, the wicked inauspicious wolf,
Who
lies in wait to injure us.
3
Who lurks about the path we take, the robber with a guileful heart:
Far
from the road chase him away.
The wolf is the main predator in the majority
of the Rig, repeatedly referred to. Later the wolf references reduce but the
tiger and leopard don’t appear which is significant. It is impossible for
anyone to live in India and not refer to the tiger. The number of references
also suggest the wolf was a major predator and although the references die down
in the later books, till book 9 the wolf is the main predator. Later the lion
makes an appearance but not the tiger. But in the Atharva Veda and the other
Vedic texts, the tiger is a major participant. So this again point to the Peshawar
region as the most likely location since wolf is there but tiger is not there
and lions which were present in Afghanistan are infrequent.
There are no epidemics referred to in
Rig. Mention of many diseases like jaundice in this book (1.50.11) where the
poet says remove my yellow colour and give it to parrots and starlings or to
the Haritala trees and other diseases find later mention. Dasyu is always the
non-follower. But no further description. Sambara makes an appearance here –
later his 99 forts being destroyed by the Arya finds repeated mention. The
effective use of archery in breaching the defence of the Dasyu who seem to have
numerous followers but mainly footsoldiers without the horse chariot or much
archery if they were so easily routed.
6
Thou savedst Kutsa when Śuṣṇa was smitten down; to Atithigva gavest Śambara for
a prey.
E’en
mighty Arbuda thou troddest under foot: thou from of old wast born to strike
the Dasyus dead.
8
Discern thou well Āryas and Dasyus; punishing the lawless give them up to him
whose grass is strewn.
The
Strong hath loosed his bolt with the swift rush of rain, and he hath rent in
pieces Śuṣṇa's firm-built forts.
In
the hymn below, the line giver of barley is interesting. Rice is never mentioned
in the Rig, but barley is. Taking away our poverty indicates a poor existence
before the Arya conquer the Dasyu. Freed from their hate – this line seems to
suggest that the Dasyu had the better locations and must have been in the lower
valley of the Kabul river and on either sides of the Indus. They obviously
hated the Arya and were loth to give up their positions. In any drought they
would have access to the major source of water from the snow melt Indus and
obviously displacing them would have been the primary aim of the Arya. There
might have been repeated battles before this objective was achieved, if the
Dasyu were fortified and well entrenched. But the defender of the Khyber pass
has always fallen in history. Dasyu were no exception and the descriptions of
falling to the arrows suggest an easy rout.
1.53.2
Giver of horses, Indra, giver, thou, of kine, giver of barley, thou art Lord
and guard of wealth:
4
Well pleased with these bright flames and with these Soma drops,
take
thou away our poverty with seeds and kine.
With
Indra scattering the Dasyu through these drops, freed from their hate may we
obtain abundant food.
7
Thou goest on from fight to fight intrepidly, destroying castle after castle
here with strength.
Thou,
Indra, with thy friend who makes the foe bow down, slewest from far away the
guileful Namuci.
8
Thou hast struck down in death Karañja, Parṇaya, in Atithigva's very glorious
going forth.
Unyielding,
when Ṛjiśvan compassed them with siege, thou hast destroyed the hundred forts
of Vaṅgṛida.
9
With all-outstripping chariot-wheel, O Indra, thou far-famed, hast overthrown
the twice ten Kings of men,
With
sixty thousand nine-and-ninety followers, who came in arms to fight with
friendless Suśravas.
10
Thou hast protected Suśravas with succour, and Tūrvayāṇa with thine aid, O
Indra.
Thou
madest Kutsa, Atithigva, Āyu, subject unto this King, the young, the mighty.
11
May we protected by the Gods hereafter remain thy very prosperous friends, O
Indra.
Thee
we extol, enjoying through thy favour life long and joyful and with store of
heroes.
Again the foes are named above –
Namuci, Karamja, Parnaya. Here the hundred forts are of Vangrida and not
Sambara – perhaps every ford of the next river needed defeat of the forts on
the other side. So the forts on the Khyber pass were Susna, this side of the
Indus were Vangrida and his named allies, after that came Sambara and so on
with the subsequent 5 tributaries of the Indus in Punjab. The enemies are made
to run in crowds in the next hymn.
4
The ridges of the lofty heaven thou madest shake; thou, daring, of thyself
smotest through Śambara,
When
bold with gladdening juice, thou warredst with thy bolt,
sharp
and two-edged, against the banded sorcerers.
5
When with a roar that fills the woods, thou forcest down on wind's head the
stores which Śuṣṇa kept confined,
6
Thou helpest Narya, Turvaśa, and Yadu, and Vayya's son Turvīti, Śatakratu!
Thou
helpest horse and car in final battle thou breakest down the nine-and-ninety
castles.
10
There darkness stood, the vault that stayed the waters’ flow:
in
Vṛtra's hollow side the rain-cloud lay concealed.
But
Indra smote the rivers which the obstructer stayed, flood following after
flood, down steep declivities.
11
So give us, Indra, bliss-increasing glory give us great sway and strength that
conquers people.
Preserve
our wealthy patrons, save our princes; vouchsafe us wealth and food with noble
offspring.
6
Now will I tell the greatness of the Hero whom Pūru's sons follow as Vṛtra's
slayer:
Agni
Vaiśvānara struck down the Dasyu, cleave Śambara through and shattered down his
fences.
Smiting the enemy Sambara is combined
with a description as banded sorcerers suggesting different religious beliefs
which were much hated by the Arya. The Dasyu is also repeatedly compared to the
dragon who stays the water which suggests that they were guarding the access to
rivers which the Arya wanted. The words steep declivities again suggests that
the action is now in Peshawar region and in the foothills before the Indus
plain. This section of the first book seems like the earliest descriptions of
the conquest of the region. The prayers are written by one group of priests the
Kanvas who might have been the main tribe involved in the hostilities. Cleaving
Sambara might indicate sword usage – since bronze swords were present in the
GGC burials.
1.60 starts with more agni prayers by
Gotamas. This section composed by the Gotamas is also simple like the Kanvas,
although prayers to Agni are more fanciful and quite elegantly descriptive of
how the fire spreads and dances. The boar demon is repeated many times.
1.62.
3 When Indra and the Aṅgirases desired it, Saramā found provision for her
offspring.
Bṛhaspati
cleft the mountain, found the cattle: the heroes shouted with the kine in
triumph.
4
Mid shout, loud shout, and roar, with the Navagvas, seven singers, hast thou,
heavenly, rent the mountain;
Thou
hast, with speeders, with Daśagvas, Indra, Śakra, with thunder rent obstructive
Vala.
The Rakshasas below are defilers of
the sacrifice and could be wandering bandits and robbers who attack the Arya in
isolation. They could even be isolated magicians or followers of other
religions found in the region. The Rakshasas were the demons (and not the
Asuras) in the ancient period.
1.76.3
Burn thou up all the Rākṣasas, O Agni; ward thou off curses from our
sacrifices.
Many mentions of the rains bringing
water to a parched land are there. Now the Indus is fed by glaciers. So it is
likely the Kabul river that they are speaking of and the valley slopes on which
the cattle would need to graze.
1.95.
16 This prayer of ours may Varuṇa grant, and Mitra, and Aditi and Sindhu, Earth
and Heaven.
The last line is repeated in this group of hymns. The sense
of Sindu is more of generic for river than for one specific river and more in
the sense of a Goddess. I wonder what Simyu means – suggests that these were
tribal appellations and the locals called themselves Dasyu.
1.100.18
He, much invoked, hath slain Dasyus and Śimyus, after his wont, and laid them
low with arrows.
The
mighty Thunderer with his fair-complexioned friends won the land, the sunlight,
and the waters.
The Arya are the fair complexioned
friends above. Elsewhere there are a couple of references to Dasyu having dark
skin but only few and occasional references to skin colour. Again comes a list
of foe names below (including Vyasa) and forts being struck down below:
1.101.2
Indra, who with triumphant wrath smote Vyaṁsa down, and Śambara, and Pipru the
unrighteous one;
Who
extirpated Śuṣṇa the insatiate,—him girt by Maruts we invoke to be our Friend.
5
He who is Lord of all the world that moves and breathes, who for the Brahman
first before all found the Cows;
Indra
who cast the Dasyus down beneath his feet,—him girt by Maruts we invoke to be
our Friend.
1.103.2
He spread the wide earth out and firmly fixed it, smote with his thunderbolt
and loosed the waters.
Maghavan
with his puissance struck down Ahi, rent Rauhiṇa to death and slaughtered Vyaṁsa.
3
Armed with his bolt and trusting in his prowess he wandered shattering the
forts of Dāsas.
Cast
thy dart, knowing, Thunderer, at the Dasyu; increase the Ārya's might and
glory, Indra.
4
For him who thus hath taught these human races, Maghavan, bearing a fame-worthy
title,
Thunderer,
drawing nigh to slay the Dasyus, hath given himself the name of Son for glory.
8
As thou hast smitten Śuṣṇa, Pipru, Vṛtra and Kuyava, and Śambara's forts, O
Indra.
This
prayer of ours may Varuṇa grant, and Mitra, and Aditi and Sindhu, Earth and
Heaven.
After the victory seems to come the rooting out of the enemy
and despatching him as below:
1.104.2
2 These men have come to Indra for assistance: shall he not quickly come upon
these pathways?
May
the Gods quell the fury of the Dāsa, and may they lead our folk to happy
fortune.
4
This hath his kinship checked who lives beside us: with ancient streams forth
speeds and rules the Hero,
Añjasī,
Kuliśī, and Virapatnī, delighting him, bear milk upon their waters.
5
Soon as this Dasyu's traces were discovered, as she who knows her home, he
sought the dwelling.
Now
think thou of us, Maghavan, nor cast us away as doth a profligate his treasure.
It is almost as if the Aryas were
seeking out the forts where these people lived and striking them down. Now
after 1700 BC, there were only settlements of the Cemery H people along the Indus.
These must be the forts being broken. The Cemetery H culture were living in very
numerous small villages with mud brick huts, just like you have in the villages
of India even now. These might be the people who were sought out and destroyed
by the Aryans after destroying their main forts. Definitely these descriptions
cannot be for the other Indo Aryan tribes, since they wouldnt live in forts.
1.105Yet
torturing cares consume me as the wolf assails the thirsty deer.
18
A ruddy wolf beheld me once, as I was faring on my path.
The wolf again as the main predator.
That means Afghanistan and maximum NWFP. Leopard, snow leopards and persian
leopards are well known in the entire region as also lions during this part of
history, but suggest a location in Peshawar rather than the Sistan region of
Afghanistan.
HYMN CXII. Aśvins.
14
Ye from the wolf's jaws, as ye stood together, set free the quail, O Heroes, O
Nāsatyas.
Ye,
Lords of many treasures, gave the poet his perfect vision as he mourned his
trouble.
15
When in the time of night, in Khela's battle, a leg was severed like a wild
bird's pinion,
Straight
ye gave Viśpalā a leg of iron that she might move what time the conflict
opened.
16
His father robbed Ṛjrāśva of his eyesight who for the she-wolf slew a hundred
wethers.
Ye
gave him eyes, Nāsatyas, Wonder-Workers, Physicians, that he saw with sight
uninjured.
17
The Daughter of the Sun your car ascended, first reaching as it were the goal
with coursers.
All
Deities within their hearts assented, and ye, Nāsatyas, are close linked with
glory.
18
When to his house ye came, to Divodāsa, hasting to Bharadvāja, O ye Aśvins,
The
car that came with you brought splendid riches: a porpoise and a bull were
yoked together.
23
To Viśvaka, Nāsatyas! son of Kṛṣṇa, the righteous man who sought your aid and
praised you,
Ye
with your powers restored, like some lost creature, his son Viṣṇāpū for his
eyes to look on.
The
Daughter of the Sun with all her glory, O ye Nāsatyas, chose your car to bear
her.
16
The quail had invocated you, O Aśvins, when from the wolf's devouring jaws ye
freed her.
With
conquering car ye cleft the mountain's ridges: the offspring of Viśvāc ye
killed with poison.
17
He whom for furnishing a hundred wethers to the she-wolf, his wicked father
blinded,—
To
him, Ṛjrāśva, gave ye eyes, O Aśvins; light to the blind ye sent for perfect
vision.
18
To bring the blind man joy thus cried the she-wolf: O Aśvins, O ye Mighty Ones,
O Heroes,
For
me Ṛjrāśva, like a youthful lover, hath. cut piecemeal one and a hundred
wethers.
Blasting
away the Dasyu with your trumpet, ye gave far-spreading light unto the Ārya.
There are clearly stories associated
with the hymns above with which the people would be well associated. These
stories are now lost. The five tribes seems to be their own appellation for the
Aryas, they were originally 5 tribes. The stories are very numerous and not at
all known in our current mythology. A few of the more prominent names from the
Veda like Daksha or Sambara are mentioned again in the Puranas but completely
different stories are invented about them. So the Puranic stories tried to
recreate a lost memory by new invention because the tribal lore with which
these hymns were associated were now lost.
Many stories about people being lost in the floods is another recurring
story.
1.119.
4 Ye came to Bhujyu while he struggled in the flood, with flying birds,
self-yoked, ye bore him to his sires
1.122.
14 The sea and all the Deities shall give us him with the golden ear and neck
bejewelled.
The sea is referred to many times. So these people would
perhaps go down Sind to the Sea. Quite a fair distance. Caspian sea is less
likely given the descriptions. Vaksh and Oxus do flood and can carry people
away. But even if these were recent memories, with the Dasyu being described,
these memories were now transferred to the Kabul river, the Indus and the
Arabian sea. I doubt if the Oxus would ever be be called Sindhu. So it is safe
to assume that these many stories are of the Kabul river which is notorious for
flash floods, the Indus and the sea is the Arabian sea. There is absolutely no
sense of any other homeland or a place from which the Arya have been defeated
or displaced. So a slow migration into Afghanistan and then an invasion and
shift into Punjab is the obvious interpretation
HYMN
CXXXI. Indra.
1.
To Indra Dyaus the Asura hath bowed him down, to Indra mighty Earth with
wide-extending tracts,
to win the light, with wide-spread tracts.
3
Couples desirous of thine aid are storming thee, pouring their presents forth
to win a stall of kine,
pouring gifts, Indra, seeking thee.
Thou
hast chastised, O Indra, Lord of Strength, the man who worships not,
And
made thine own this great earth and these water-floods; with joyous heart these
water-floods
1.132
Their
battle-cry thou madest sound victorious in the shocks of war.
One
stream after another have they gained from thee, eager for glory have they
gained.
6
Indra and Parvata, our champions in the fight, drive ye away each man who fain
would war with us,
drive
him far from us with the bolt.
The reason for war was the need for
water. This is made abundantly clear by constant repetition. The quest for
booty and cattle of course gave added impetus.
HYMN
CXXXIII. Indra.
1.
WITH sacrifice I purge both earth and heaven: I burn up great she-fiends who
serve not Indra,
Where
throttled by thy hand the foes were slaughtered, and in the pit of death lay
pierced and mangled.
2
O thou who castest forth the stones crushing the sorceresses’ heads,
Break
them with thy wide-spreading foot, with thy wide-spreading mighty foot.
3
Do thou, O Maghavan, beat off these sorceresses' daring strength.
Cast
them within the narrow pit. within the deep and narrow pit.
I wonder exactly what these sorcerers
and sorceresses are. Maybe just mythical superstition related to the Rakshasas.
HYMN
CLI. Mitra and Varuṇa
4
The people prospers, Asuras! whom ye dearly love: ye, Righteous Ones, proclaim
aloud the Holy Law.
That
efficacious power that comes from lofty heaven, ye bind unto the work, as to
the pole an ox.
Strange that immediately after the fight, mention comes of
ploughing and agriculture. Once in the plains around Indus, the Aryans would
adopt the local agricultural practices in the more fertile region, probably
using the Dasas to do the work.
1.164: Very complex hymn with obscure
meaning. Speaks of how the world was created and what it means. Very different
from all the preceeding and describes how the important things in their life
came about. I will return to this section of the Rig when I discuss Vedic
astronomy. Note the marked difference between this creation hymn and the
Purusha Sukta which comes in the 10th chapter. Highly suggestive of
a completely different system being interpolated into the Veda in the 10th
book. These set of hymns are quite philosophical and complex. A good teacher
can use these and wax eloquent. So not every hymn is practical and simple, some
of the poets have made quite thoughtful and very deep hymns. Couple of mentions
of deer – since it is likelier to find more deer in the Punjab than in
Afghanistan. The lion and the spotted deer figure frequently and the wolf is no
longer so frequently mentioned. The following hymn shows the changed
perspective regarding the tilling of fields in addition to mentioning the lion.
The Dasa’s deadly weapon might have been the axe since in another occasion in a
later book, the axe fighters are mentioned in close proximity to the Dasas.
Although not explicit, we know that the Cemetery H people had long handled
bronze axes and it is a reasonable assumption – and also the reason why the
Dasyu lost. Axe fighters are no match for chariot mounted archery as shown by
many wars in the middle east between Hyksos, Mittanni, Kassites and Hittites.
1.174.
1. THOU art the King of all the Gods, O Indra: protect the men, O Asura,
preserve us.
With
them guard lion-like wasting active Agni to dwell in our tilled fields and in
our homestead.
7
Indra, the bard sang forth in inspiration: thou madest earth a covering for the
Dāsa.
Like
castles thou hast crushed the godless races, and bowed the godless scorner's
deadly weapon.
1.83.
4 Let not the wolf, let not the she-wolf harm you. Forsake me not, nor pass me
by or others.
The ocean stories of how the Gods
helped some lost sailor increase in this part of Book 1. Could be the Arabian
sea to which the Arya woud have increased access post conquest of the Indus
plain. I fail to see how and why these people would try to sail the Arabian sea
- it is just not in their nature as described. Perhaps these are Indus river
boatmen who are swept out to the sea and somehow saved. In which case, there
might be many others not saved. Since fishing is not described so far, maybe
this is for crossing the Indus to the other bank or sailing for navigation -
even for fighting.
The first book ends - and the story of
a pastoral barbarian people emerges who fight, live near one or two rivers and
sometimes get lost at sea. With wolves nearby - which would bring down larger
cattle unlike a leopard which would only take a dog, goat or calf. They build
stalls and barter with cattle. Wear deer skin. No rhinos or tigers. They
shatter someone's fort - could be the remnants of the IVC or Cemetry H people
who might be living in small mud hut villages. Some of the forts are obviously
defensive fortifications well positioned to defend the approach to water which
the Arya covet. The Dasyu has an alien religion and a different appearance with
darker skin. They are numerous and deny the Arya access to the water and their
lands – obviously. They might be infantry axe warriors as the main fighting
force. The majority would be lathi wielders or fighting with sharpened stick
spears. Their leaders would have the bronze swords found in the copper hoards.
The leaders have names like Susna, Sambara and many others which the Arya have
enumerated. Obviously they met with a horrible fate at the hands of the Arya.
But if we estimate from the IVC and the
post IVC levels of rice agriculture, Punjab Sind region would have had 1 to 2
million Dasas. Estimating from the Gandhara Grave culture of Peshawar and the
other settlements of Sistan, Gilgit, Chitral, Helmand and Swat valleys then we
can estimate maybe 50,000 to 100,000 Aryans. If we assume the lower or higher
limit for both populations, the Aryans would be 5% of the Dasa. If we assume
the upper of one and the lower of the other than the Arya will be at best 10%.
What happened to the Dasyu after conquest is the most important question which
the remaining chapters of Rig reveal glimmerings.
At this point the Arya have no caste
system. There are two kinds of people - one kind of people who fight and
another kind who are priests. The men were probably fighters and owners of
cattle, the women must have been the main working population who would tend to
the cattle stalls. By day the men would graze the cows, goats and horses and
feed them barley in the stalls. They don’t trade and they don’t till the land –
which is a poor land fit only for goat and cattle herding. All the men would
probably fight. The less adventurous might live in the more remote mountains
and would become the Dardic speakers of today. The rest of the bulk would be
cattle raiders and fighters. The priests would be few and are the composers of
these hymns. We do not see here the Vaishya and the Sudra castes. The Brahmin however
seem like traditional families passing on their hymns and adding to them
periodically. The hymns are most emphatically not casteist. There is only Arya
and non Arya and the Non Aryans are to be killed and his wealth, cattle and
water access to be looted.
What is most conspicuously absent are
any complex rituals or trigonometry to create the fire alters of the Sulba Sutra.
Some knowledge of astronomy are evident in the descriptions of the night sky.
The rites are always ever-present and bound, even at this early date to be
linked to lunar cycles. A knowledge of the Nakshatra i.e. Moon castles is
therefore likely. The moon houses and the lunar calendar were known to the
ancient Indo European societies from a fairly early date. Lunar calendars were
also well known to the Chinese. If the recollection of the Gilgamesh legends is
existing in the Indo Aryan Brahmanas, we must assume a similar level of
exposure to the Babylonian astronomy and a basic appreciation that
constellations of the sky exist – which the Aryans could then adapt and use for
their own purposes related to the rites which they hold so dear. Later I will
look into the Vedanga Jyotisha of Lagadha and the Vedic astronomy. If the Rig
Veda is existing then a basic earliest version of the Brahmana must also be
existing at this time. These would be the prose guides for conducting the
rituals, passed on in the Brahmin families and which in later times expanded to
become the Satapatha Brahmana. As yet the Upanishads are unknown. Philosophy is
more of the eat, drink, loot your neighbour and make merry variety. It has
traditionally been assumed that from this simple existence, the complex life
written about in the Brahmanas and Upanishads evolved on their own. The purpose
of the present evaluation is to see whether this really did indeed evolve in
isolation or whether external influences from the Dasyu crept in – and to isolate
these possible influences and understand the society of the Dasyu before the
arrival of the Aryans.
The Arya - Dasyu Wars
If we look at the Arya Dasyu wars
from the side of the losers – who did not get to write the history and
therefore the details lie buried beneath the hyperbolic presentations of the
victor – then a different picture emerges. After the fall of the cities, the
Indus valley population adjusted to the new situation of famines and small pox.
Fairly high levels of rice agriculture could sustain population levels on par
with the pre-fall population. The small cities were chiefdoms and there was
development of violence which was mostly of the higher caste against lower
caste variety. Every village or small town would have a dominant agricultural
caste and their elders would be the leaders and rulers, not unlike the present
Khap system. The leaders would be the erstwhile upper castes of the IVC. All
the young men would be lathi wielders and every village would be able to muster
some 50 men. In any dispute within the village – usually over land and grazing,
women or just drinking - a group of men from each side would face off and crack
some skulls.
On foot, a small force of
footsoldiers armed very poorly can control territories of around 50 kilometers
in diameter. With a central capital, the 25 Km distance to the periphery can be
covered in one day. Since 100 Km is the
average distance between each of the 5 rivers of the Punjab, it is likely that
the area between any two rivers was under the control of 2 big chieftains, one
near each river. Some 10 chieftains would be ranged along each river length and
so 15 to 20 chiefdoms would be present between each of any two rivers of the
Punjab. The total area of Punjab under the Cemetery H cultures was between 200,000
and 250,000 square kilometres. The present village density is about 5 villages
per square kilometre with 12000 villages in the 50,000 square kilometres of
Indian Punjab. But in the remote past one can expect about 2000 villages in the
entire region with about 500 people each yielding a population of about 1
million people. 2000 villages in 200,000 square kilometres yields about 1
village every 100 square kilometres which implies that vast regions were
forested and not cultivated. Areas close to the rivers would be cultivated
intensely and would have a village every kilometre. Some 25 to 50 to 100
villages would be under any one chieftain.
The chieftains would have a bigger
force under his command, distributed within the villages close to his central
command and capable of reaching any corner of his domain within a day. These
men would be trained lathi wielders and would also have a force of archers, axe
fighters. Primitive lancemen having sharpened lathis were unnecessary in the
absence of horse chariots but could be there to defend against ox cart based
attacks. The archers would probably use bamboo longbows which were later used
in the battle of Hydaspes and the Gupta period. Arrows with bronze tips might
be few and more of stone arrowheads might have been used, so many centuries
after the decline of the IVC bronze age culture. The Indian longbow is fired
using the foot to brace the bottom of the longbow. It is less powerful and more
ponderous than the compound bow used by the Indo Aryans which can be fired from
the chariot over longer distances. Indian longbows need a critical mass of
archers to become effective and in fact might not have been used much at all
when the chieftains had so few men under their command. Indian longbow usage
requires long training and professional practice to be used properly. How many
of the chieftains of the post Harappan phase had such professional archery
battalions is open to question.
The main function of these central forces
would be to prevent the people from the neighboring chiefdom from looting the
villages within their territory. The major central capital would have about 20
villages with about 2000 men under call. Additional centers in the borders of
the chiefdom would be housed in a larger village with semifortification so that
in case of a surprise attack they can hold out for a day until help arrives. The
central hub would also be a trading center and would house a couple of
businesshouses with a force of men under their command for guarding the bullock
cart wagons. The peripheral fortified villages would be made of a central
Heveli like courtyard and thick brick walls with sufficient space to house a
couple of hundred men. It would also be the first trading post for the bullock
cart wagons from the central hub. Around five hundred men distributed in the
nearby 4 to 5 villages would rally to this border fortification when attacked.
Distances beyond 25 Km in a direction is not controllable without cavalry or
elephantry both of which were not available in the Late Harrappan villages.
Bullock carts can cover 20-25 Km in one day and a force of a thousand men with
some 10-15 bullock carts can reach the periphery when needed. But major wars
with such primitive weaponry in unlikely to have happened.
For the most
part the men under the chieftains command would be more interested in
collecting tax in the form of farm produce for themselves from their own
villages where their family lived as well as the more peripheral villages where
the more disadvantaged agriculturists lived. Confrontation between the
chiefdoms would be typically related to times of drought or famine. The two
sides would raid the farmhouses of the villages. But in major famines, they
would guard the central hub which would have fortification and a storehouse of
enough grain to sustain the chieftain, his extended family, the families of the
major trading houses and the families of the fighting men who would be
otherwise agriculturists living in the villages near the hub. In these times of
strife, the peripheral fortification would be abandoned and so would the
farmers in the peripheral villages who would perish either due to lack of food
or after being raided by the next village or perhaps to raids from their own
chieftain. After the famine is over, these peripheral villages would be slowly
repopulated from those who survive. Large scale warfare between chieftains
would be most unlikely since they were all similarly armed, similarly situated
and most of the violence would be directed to the lower caste agriculturists of
their own region both in terms of tax during the normal times and looting
during times of famine. The families of the agriculturists in the central hub
would be closely related families and would belong to one caste. The chief
himself would belong to a perceived higher caste or status and a small group of
these richer higher caste families would be living in the hub along with a
group of trader families. The traders would have their own network between
villages and would marry between rather than within the chiefdom to bridge
trust issues. The Chieftain is also likely to marry between the chiefdoms, but
the other central agricultural families would be largely endogamous even if
gotra exclusive and form one caste who stands together.
It was this
situation which would have confronted the Indo Aryan invaders. The Aryans were
trained charioteers, archers and because of the horse were highly mobile. They
had bronze age weaponry whereas the post harappan villagers no longer had
access to bronze. The Aryans led a more active life of fighting among
themselves and raiding cattle. The entire population of men were essentially
men at arms. Around the time they attacked the Dasyus they would have numbered
about 50,000 in population and would have collected forces of a few thousand
men under each of the five main tribes. A combined host of around 15000 men is
likely from this population. The chariots would be loaded on bullock carts and
taken to the site of confrontation along with the compound bows and the bronze
arrows. They would have had axes, lances and swords as well outclassing their
opposition almost completely in terms of weaponry, training and mobility.
The
descriptions of destroying the forts of Sambara, Susna, Namucci et al and
cleaving their head given in the Rig Veda are likely exaggerations of the
winners. Despite the exaggeration, there was simply no match between Arya and
Dasyu and it would have been a slaughter of the Dasyu. Still the preservations
of their enemies names and the repeated mention of Susna suggest that some
determined opposition was mounted. If Susna is assumed to be the first of the
big local chieftains, then he would have been on the west side of the Indus, perhaps
in the Mardan region north of Peshawar, the biggest and most powerful of the 10
or so chiefdoms on that side. In the initial forays from Jalalabad, the Indo
Aryans would have scouted out their opposition and decided to displace them
from the Kabul and Indus waters. In the previous couple of centuries, the
Aryans would have been located a couple of hundred kilometres away in the Swat
and Argandab region. As they grew more populous, they would have come on the
banks of the Kabul and would have surely been seen by the Dasyu who would have
been grazing their cattle. A group of Aryans would have forayed close to one of
the chiefdoms and would have had a confrontation with the lathi wielders.
Subsequently, seeing their weakness, the Aryans would have rallied their forces
and started the war. Perhaps a few hundred raiders with bullock carts, horses,
chariots and infantry forces would have assembled and entered the chiefdom to
attack one of the peripheral haveli fortifications. The Dasyu men would have
scrambled with their lathis but shot down by the enemy arrows. The rest would
have run away and taken the news to the central hub. The men there would have
assembled their full force of some 2-3000 lathi wielders and the archers on the
walls of the central hub. The hub village would have 4 or 5 entry points and
houses clustered around a narrow main street. The walls of the houses would be
the main fortification and the archers would be on the roof. Some 5-10 big
houses and some 100 medium and small houses would be there in the central hub
village. The main force of lathi wielders would be standing at the roads
entering the village to defend along with lance men and axe men. A few of the
leaders would have their hereditary metal swords and leather armour. The
longbow archers would be in the rooftop close by.
But the
entry of the Aryan chariots would have meant total confusion. The Dasyu were
used to warfare with other lathi wielders and axe men which means a close
quarter fight. The defenders within the village fort would have the advantage
in that situation. The approaching enemy on foot would be picked off by the
longbowmen from the rooftops as they made their way walking or running to reach
within fighting distance. But with the Aryans the defenders were at a
disadvantage. The Aryan charioteers would simply race ahead presenting a fast
moving target the longbowmen were not used to. Chariot mounted archers would
fire arrows from their chariots and rout the lathi wielders at the entrance who
would have no defence and no armour. They would retreat in confusion since
there was no way for them to get close to their fast moving enemy, their weapon
useless at a distance, no armour or barriers to shield against the flying
arrows. The chariots would stay away from the long bowmen since they wouldn’t
want to lose their horses. The infantry would creep up to the village whose
entrance would be undefended now and men would climb up to the roof tops to
deal with the longbowmen. Once the longbowmen were gone, the chariots could
race closer and pick off their enemy one by one with their bows. The fight
would be a foregone conclusion.
The first
couple of chiefdoms would have fallen easily. But if we assume Susna was the
biggest Chieftains on this side of the Indus, then Susna would have rallied the
other chiefdoms to present a bigger fight – since otherwise they would be
slaughtered one by one. Some 10-15000 lathi wielders, axe fighters, lance men
and a combined force of longbowmen numbering a few hundred must have massed
near the Kabul river to repulse the invader, perhaps in one of the best of the village
forts. Some semblance of tactics to use the lance men and archery to impede the
chariots might have been thought out. The big force must have been what the
Aryans described as Dasas covering the ground. This would be a bigger fight and
of course with their superior weaponry the Aryans won. The massed army was a
big target for the mobile archers while the chariots were a small target for
the Dasyu longbowmen. When the army surged forward, the chariots would retreat
and then commence firing. As the casualties mount the Dasyu would turn tail and
flee the battle ground into their fort, as the Aryans themselves described. All
the remaining forces would therefore have beaten a retreat to the fort along
with their bowmen. Perhaps with a bigger force of bowmen, the village fort
would have been better defended and some amount of fortifications across the
entrances forming gates and barriers might have been put up. The Aryans would
have taken more casualties than their previous attacks and hence the descriptions
of how Indra saved one or the other warrior as the fight was raging would
indicate a more protracted battle. In siege warfare the size of the fort and
the extent of the fortification would determine the result. The Dasyu forts
were small and poorly fortified since their main enemy so far had been lathi
wielders. Facing a superior enemy, the Dasyu could not defend a suboptimal
fortification and so Susna would have fallen. It might have taken a couple of
stormings to do it since the first attack might have met with stiff resistance
from the Indian longbowmen. The defenders would have run out of arrows pretty
fast though. Once the archery defence failed, breaching the poor fortifications
would have been a matter of time.
Having taken
the main defence forces on the west of the Indus, the Aryans might have been
busy looting the remaining chiefdoms and other small settlements ranging all
along the west of Indus for the next many months or even years. All
descriptions suggest that Sambara was in a mountain fortress and the location might
have been in the mountains north of the Mardan plain or along the Indus gorge.
Everyone escaping from the carnage of Susna’s defeat might have ended up in the
seemingly most defensible of the Dasyu forts. Sambara might have given a stiff
fight if the fort was well located. Ultimately his fortress fell as described
in the Rig.
Their next major foray would have
been on the other side of Indus and crossing the Indus would have needed a wait
for the reduction of flow and even then would need boats to cross with the
horses, bullock carts, chariots, arms and a bigger force of men. If we assume Namucci
was the main chieftain on the other side of Indus, he would not have been
sitting idle. Fleeing men as well as his spies would have given the news about
Susna and Sambara’s fall and the nature of his enemy. Enough time would have
been available to prepare. A lot depends on the relations between chieftains.
If Namucci was not an acknowledged chieftain, there would have been resistance
at collaboration. There might have been 2 or more groupings of chiefdoms. But
the fate of Susna and Sambara would probably impel a better cooperation and a
united defence strategy can be assumed. Depending on the time available, the
extent of fortifications put up, the number of bowmen trained and the number of
arrows stockpiled would vary. Assuming a couple of years or more time,
considerable amount of preparations could be carried out. The Dasyu lacked
access to horses, but smaller racing type of bullock carts , with sides
shielded against arrows to carry axe fighters closer to their enemy might have
been prepared to make their forcer more mobile. Making single ox or double ox
racing type of bullock carts would have taken a few months. Thick hide armour
for the richer fighters would also be made. These would have been kept ready in
enclosures next to the fort to make a foray. We know from the descriptions in
Rig Veda that the Aryans finally won. But how long these defensive formations
held out, how effectively was the fording of the Indus guarded, whether night
attacks by the axe fighters were carried out against the massed Aryans – all of
these are details which the Veda unfortunately does not preserve. We know only
that the end result was that the Aryans won.
However if we look at the timescale
of the Rig, i.e. that it took some hundred years to compose, then we find that
for a hundred years the Aryans were stuck in Punjab fighting with each other
and with the Dasyu. So the fight was protracted, hard fought and lasted many
decades. In all probability the Aryans settled on the west side of the Indus along
the Kabul for many years and decades and lived there, composing the book 1 of
the Rig Veda and calling the Kabul river Saraswati. In all probability the
Dasyu were enslaved by means of having to live in their own villages and
producing food for the Aryans i.e. instead of the Chieftain, the Dasyu produced
food and paid it as tax to the Aryans instead. The victorious Aryans would have
taken the women of the richer upper caste Dasyu for wives. Since we have in the
IVC postulated an evolution of skin colour based on natural variation and
selection based on wealth, it is likely that such women would be preferred by
the richer and more powerful Aryan leaders. The poorer Aryans might have been
less choosy. So considering that some 100,000 Dasyu lived along the west bank
of Indus and the Aryans numbered some 50,000, a mixed population would soon
emerge in a couple of generations. As they grew more numerous and prosperous and
greed for booty took over, they might have raided the villages on the other
side of the Indus. For many decades, they are likely to have only raided the
settlements on the east banks of the Indus and in one of the main attacks would
have destroyed the forts of Namucci and others. But other chiefdoms on both the
banks of the Jhelum and Chenab would also have been prepared to repulse
attackers and as they gained more and more information about the Aryan tactics,
the ways to counter their advantage of the horse chariots would have been
thought out. The Aryans of course could ford the Indus downstream of the main
Chenab junction and fan out on both sides for raiding. But it is likely that
for a fairly long time, the Aryans would have remained settled along the Kabul
river before they became numerous and ventured to settle on the other side.
The integration of the Dasyu and the
Aryans would have proceeded on predictable lines. Offspring of Dasyu wives
would have been underpriveliged and would find matches among similar
underpreviliged men and women of mixed parentage or Dasyu parentage. Within a
few generations, it would have become almost impossible to tell them apart
except by means of a caste system. It is likely that the caste system would
have evolved almost immediately and might have been derived partly from the
pre-existing Dasyu caste system. So the vast majority of the Dasyu would become
agricultural labourers and would eventually become the Sudras. The traders
might have continued their business initially under the overlordship of Aryans
but after a while it would be a partnership between the fighters of the Arya
and the businessman of the Dasyu and in the long run the better businessman
would prevail. Aryan businessmen manufacturing their bronzeware would interlink
with the Dasyu businessmen and over time a trading class would develop. Business
would be manufacturing and distributing pottery, beads, agricultural
implements, breeding horses and cattle, making cotton and making clothes. Most
of the Dasyu craftsmen would be allowed to continue under the Aryan overlords
and the Aryan craftsmen would take the Dasyu craftsmen as labourers.
Many of the longbowmen and lathi
wielders would be recruited into the five tribes forces, with the development
of spearmen using metal tipped weapons instead of simple sticks. So in future
confrontation between the Aryans, the Dasyu fighters would fight alongside
their master. The hereditary Dasyu castes of the bowmen would continue to train
their lads and the mingling of technology for arms manufacture and the better
bronze making and weapon making skills of the Aryans would soon be absorbed by
the Dasas. Some of the Dasas would be used as servants for horse rearing and
within a few generations, the two would get integrated into the kind of society
we currently have. An initial 50-50 genetic mix of the Arya Dasa genetic
material assuming a 100,000 to 50,000 split only in the West Indus and Kabul
valley would have happened. Of course, the entry of this genetic mix into
further Dasyu territory would cause manifold dilution close to extinction of
Aryan genes, even if we assume that the Aryans prospered and increased their
populations vastly.
Let us see whether the Veda sheds
further light on these wars.
Book 2 Rig Veda
Right at the start, this is heavier
reading and more complex in construction and thought process than book 1. Books
2 to 7 are supposed to be the core of the Rig according to most commentators.
The difficulty of comprehending the poets thought process makes it all the more
daunting. This book is also well arranged, systematic and suggests one poet’s
work – the way of praising the Gods is very similar in each hymn. These hymns
are a lot less descriptive than from book 1 and are likely to be one major
portion used for a specific sacrifice. Very little additional geographical
information is forthcoming, except that already derived from book 1, except
that this is in no way different from the earlier book. Saraswati is clearly a
Goddess in this book and not a river. Varuna and other senior Gods are still referred
to as the Asura as in book 1. The five races of the Arya are repeatedly
mentioned and would represent the five main tribes as below:
2.2
And over the Five Races let our glory shine high like the realm of light and
unsurpassable.
2.3.8
Sarasvatī who perfects our devotion, Iḷā divine, Bhāratī all surpassing,—
Three
Goddesses, with power inherent, seated, protect this holy Grass, our flawless
refuge!
2.11.2
Floods great and many, compassed by the Dragon, thou badest swell and settest
free, O Hero.
Strengthened
by songs of praise thou rentest piecemeal the Dāsa, him who deemed himself
immortal.
With
us mayst thou, O Indra, waxen splendid, with Sūrya overcome the Dāsa races.
18
Hero, assume the might wherewith thou clavest Vṛtra piecemeal, the Dānava Aurṇavābha.
Thou
hast disclosed the light to light the Ārya: on thy left hand, O Indra, sank the
Dasyu.
19
May we gain wealth, subduing with thy succour and with the Ārya, all our foes,
the Dasyus.
2.123
Who slew the Dragon, freed the Seven Rivers, and drove the kine forth from the
cave of Vala,
12
Who with seven guiding reins, the Bull, the Mighty, set free the Seven great
Floods to flow at pleasure;
9
Thou boundest up the Dāsa's hundred friends and ten, when, at one's hearing,
thou helpest thy worshipper.
Thou
for Dabhīti boundest Dasyus not with cords; Thou wast a mighty help. Worthy of
lauds art thou.
10
All banks of rivers yielded to his manly might;
The way the Dasa are described they
emerge as a proud and fierce race at first contact, deeming themselves
immortal. This suggests that the leaders were haughty. They obviously did not
submit easily and a continued resistance is likely. Dasyu being tied up
suggests a surrender took place in one of the fights. “All banks of rivers
yielded” implies the fording of the rivers and the subduing of the Dasyu
chiefdoms on their banks and might refer to multiple raids by crossing the
Indus and other rivers. Perhaps the Aryans would cross the river every year and loot the
villages on the other side. The bending of the head and the tying up suggests
taking prisoners and enslaving to do the Aryans bidding. Intermingling would
happen soon after.
12
Thou for Turvīti heldest still the flowing floods, the river-stream for Vayya
easily to pass
Didst
raise the outcast from the depths, and gavest fame unto the halt and blind.
Worthy of lauds art thou.
2.20
He, self-reliant, mighty and triumphant, brought low the dear head of the
wicked Dāsa.
7
Indra the Vṛtra-slayer, Fort-destroyer, scattered the Dāsa hosts who dwelt in
darkness.
When
in his arms they laid the bolt, he slaughtered the Dasyus and cast down their
forts of iron.
As written above, waiting for the
floods to ease, crossing to the other side, bending the heads of the Dasa leaders,
scattering the Dasyu, breaking their fortifications. The military implications
are straightforward. So a settling on the banks of the Kabul river is necessary
if this kind of raid was to be done every year repeatedly.
2.27.7
If any wolf or robber fain would harm us, therefrom, O Varuṇa, give thou us
protection.
Protect
us, God; let not the wolf destroy us. Save us, ye Holy, from the pit and
falling.
2.30.
8 Sarasvatī, protect us: with the Maruts allied thou boldly conquerest our
foemen,
2.34
come with your spotted deer, one-minded, to our food.
4
They have bestowed of Mitra all that live, to feed, they who for evermore cause
their swift drops to flow;
Whose
steeds are spotted deer, whose riches never fail, like horses in full speed,
bound to the pole in work.
The wolf is still the main predator
but a lot of mention about spotted deer which are found along the river valleys
of Punjab. Robbers are also mentioned. A lot of the dispossessed Dasyus might
have become wandering bandits in the forests and uninhabited area on the
periphery of habitation, living by looting the remaining Dasyu farmers as well
as setting upon Aryan settlers if they are found alone.
2.42.
17 In thee, Sarasvatī, divine, all generations have their stay.
18
Enriched with sacrifice, accept Sarasvatī, these prayers of ours,
There is little doubt that these are
the hymns of a pastoral animal raising people. Horse, cows and goats are the
main cattle it seems. There are groups of hymns which are composed by different
poets in groups. All have a general sense and continuity. There don't seem to be
any interpolations from later addition. The general geography seems to have just
two rivers called the saraswati and the sindu. So far there is no mention of
agriculture. The wolf figures prominently and only deer, spotted deer and lion
are mentioned. The tiger is not. The mention of wolves is interesting. Although
wolves are present in India, the more likely cattle thief is tiger. Also
leopard for calves. If the main predator for the cattle is wolves, then this is
either at north west frontier of Pakistan or further West. The mention of sea
is also of note. Excluding the Arabian sea only other possibility is either the
Aral sea or Caspian sea. However this region gets quite cold in winter there is
no mention of the cold. If it were this far north, at least a few hymns saying
protect me from the cold as I huddle in the chill of the night would be in
order. The absence is speaking volumes. An entirely Afghan locus is also
unlikely being landlocked. So while the Helmand or Argandab could be the fast
flowing Saraswati river as described , the other mention of Sindu is not
possible unless the people occupied the whole area from Helmand to the Indus.
That would explain two rivers but then what of the Swat and the Kabul? Upper
Argandab is a lot less impressive as a river than Kabul which moreover is
subject to flash floods. Being less fertile than Punjab proper, in west bank of
Indus there would be more rain dependence. Also, describing the clouds as forts
or as home of a serpent with whom Indra does battle would be more befitting a
Monsoon cloud than rain elsewhere. Indian monsoon is a very close comparison to
what is described repeated about Indra slaying Vritra. The sea and the boat
journeys are also possible here.
The reason for composition of the
Veda is also clear. The King would ask for a big sacrifice before any battle
and the priests would prepare in advance for this by composing the hymns. Any
one group is only about 100 to 200 slokas and most have the same set of similar
hymns to the same group so Gods, almost in sequence. And for this the Brahmin
would get a lot of cows and other gifts, so worth taking the effort. And having
once got some hymns composed, it would make sense to remember it for next time.
Until another major occasion comes around and fresh hymns get composed, perhaps
by a fresh group of priests. The tribe leader might keep getting shifted
between different clans who would get their own priests, resulting in
collection of more hymn groups. Presence of a King means this was a bigger
tribe now and in conflict with others.
Although there might be exaggeration
of numbers, it might still be that the King could call on thousands of warriors
when needed. They might band together when faced with a common enemy or when
unified by a common leader. Other times the clans might clash, or raid cattle.
Especially if there was a bride price system of having your own stall of
cattle, in which case the neighbouring clan would get raided by a group of
young warriors. This also means each clan having its own group of priests who
would chant the hymns before battle when bull would be sacrificed and after the
battle the victors would sacrifice one of the raided cattle. That would explain
multiple sets of similar groups of hymns. Later these sets have been unified
into a highly repetitious but whole Rig Veda.
The method of sacrifice at this early
stage could be just a simple temporary fire alter, chanting of hymns and pouring
of ghee. Even today, the havan is chanting from Veda only, nothing else is
memorised. Method is passed on by instructions from one teacher to a younger
priest. That would be enough.
Book 3
This book
again starts as usual with many hymns on Agni praising him, then hymns to the
sacrificial post, then back to Agni as priest of the gods, Indragni etc. There
are few references to Sindhu or Sarasvati. References to destroying forts,
cattle gathering and looting as well as Dasa and Dasyu are repeated in similar
vein. The Dasyu are still being killed and looted and skin colour of darker
DAsyu and fair complexioned Arya is again mentioned. The Drishadvati and Saraswati are mentioned together
as if Drishadvati is another separate river. Whivh river is Drishadvati? Could
it be either the Argandeb/Helmand or Kabu;/Swat pairs? Asura is still used
repeatedly in the sense of the Great Varuna. The race of Rakshasas is mentioned
when asking for Indra to strike them down which seems to imply that the Rakshasas
being referred to are Dasyu bandits rather than demonic creatures.Susna being
killed by Indra, his chariot drawn by tawny coursers and killing of Vritra the
serpent are again described but in less detail. Bharatas seem to be represented
by the Vishwamitras in this book. The last hymn has the Gayatri mantra along
with a whole lot of general prayers and appears to be a genuine part of this
book in natural sequence rather than as an interpolation which can be suspected
by its location towards the end of the book. Centered around the Bharatas and
composed by the Kusikas and the Vishwamitras, this book no longer has a sense
of being in the Peshawar region but seems more in core Punjab region. Lions
find more mention rather than wolf and there are references to spotted deer and
falcon.
3.1. 6 He sought heaven's Mighty Ones, the
unconsuming, the unimpaired, not clothed and yet not naked.
Then they, ancient and young, who dwell together, Seven sounding Rivers, as one
germ received him.
Strong in
the glory of our noble offspring, subdue the godless when they seek the battle.
3.4 8 May Bhāratī with all her Sisters, Iḷā
accordant with the Gods, with mortalls Agni,
Sarasvatī with all her kindred Rivers, come to this grass, Three Goddesses, and
seat them.
3.12.6 Indra and Agni, ye cast down the
ninety forts which Dāsas held,
3.15.4 Shine forth, a Bull invincible, O Agni, winning by conquest all the
forts and treasures,
3.12. 6 Indra and Agni, ye cast down the
ninety forts which Dāsas held,
So the Aryans were conquering the Dasa forts in the Punjab and
looting the treasures.
3.4. 2 Agni whom daily Varuṇa and Mitra the Gods bring thrice a
day to this our worship,
3.23.4 On man, on Āpayā, Agni!
on the rivers Dṛṣadvati, Sarasvatī, shine richly.
The
thrice daily prayers are described above, the Sandhyavandana. Another enemy
Kunaru is named below. The Rakshasas are described as a race and likely another
name for the Dasyu.
.
3.29. 9This Agni is the
battle-winning Hero by whom the Gods have overcome the Dasyus.
3.30. 8 Thou, Indra, Much-invoked! didst
crush to pieces Kunaru handless fiend who dwelt with Danu.
Thou with might, Indra, smotest dead the scorner, the footless Vṛtra as he
waxed in vigour
3.30. 16 A cry is beard from enemies most
near us: against them send thy fiercest-flaming weapon.
Rend them from under, crush them and subdue them. Slay, Maghavan, and make the
fiends our booty.
17 Root up the race of Rākṣasas, O Indra rend it in front and crush it in the
middle.
HYMN XXXIII. Indra.
1.
FORTH from the bosom of the mountains, eager as two swift mares with loosened
rein contending,
Like two bright mother cows who lick their youngling, Vipāś and Sutudri speed
down their waters.
2 Impelled by Indra whom ye pray to urge you, ye move as ’twere on chariots to
the ocean.
Flowing together, swelling with your billows, O lucid Streams, each of you
seeks the other.
3 I have attained the most maternal River, we have approached Vipāś, the broad,
the blessed.
9 List quickly, Sisters, to the bard who cometh to you from far away with car
and wagon.
Bow lowly down; be easy to be traversed stay, Rivers, with your floods below
our axles.
11 Soon as the Bharatas have fared across thee, the warrior band, urged on and
sped by Indra,
Then let your streams flow on in rapid motion. I crave your favour who deserve
our worship.
12 The warrior host, the Bharatas, fared over the singer won the favour of the
Rivers.
Viphas or Beas.
Sutudri or Sutlej. Here the Aryans are on the banks of the most easterly of the
5 tributaries of the Indus. The Bharatas are crossing the river, praying that
the water is below the level of the axle. The race of the Bharatas seem to be
settling farther away than the other Aryans and have gone east – perhaps
striking out on their own. This is likely to have happened when the Aryans grew
more numerous and there was dispute for wealth and land. This for the first
time describes smaller units within the five tribes separating out, setting the
scene for future conflict.
HYMN XXXIV. Indra.
1.
FORT-RENDER, Lord of Wealth, dispelling foemen, Indra with lightnings hath
o’ercome the Dāsa.
6 They laud the mighty acts of him the
Mighty, the many glorious deeds performed by Indra.
He in his strength, with all-surpassing prowess, through wondrous arts crushed
the malignant Dasyus.
9 He gained possession of the Sun and
Horses, Indra obtained the Cow who feedeth many.
Treasure of gold he won; he smote the Dasyus, and gave protection to the Āryan
colour.
The usual descriptions of
Indra along with a reference to skin colour above.
3.53. 9 The mighty sage, God-born and
God-incited, who looks on men, restrained the billowy river.
When Viśvāmitra was Sudās's escort, then Indra through the Kuśikas grew
friendly.
11 Come forward, Kuśikas, and be attentive; let loose Sudās's horse to win him
riches.
East, west, and north, let the King slay the foeman, then at earth's choicest
place perform his worship.
12 Praises to Indra have I sung, sustainer of this earth and heaven. This
prayer of Viśvāmitra keeps secure the race of Bharatas.
16 Sasarpari brought glory speedily to these, over the generations of the
Fivefold Race;
17 Strong be the pair of oxen, firm the axles, let not the pole slip nor the
yoke be broken.
May Indra, keep the yoke-pins from decaying: attend us, thou whose fellies are
uninjured.
18 O Indra, give our bodies strength, strength to the bulls who draw the wains,
Strength to our seed and progeny that they may live, for thou art he who giveth
strength.
Blessing
for the ox carts transporting the Bharatas are being sought by Vishvamitras.
Sudas is mentioned which is strange because later it is Vasishtas who pray for
Sudas’s victory in the battle of ten Kings. Perhaps the victory was a major one
and hence all priestly families in subsequent generations claimed it for their
own prayers. And below we have the famous Gayatri mantra and its two subsequent
hymns.
3.62. 10 May we attain that
excellent glory of Savitar the God:
So May he stimulate our prayers.
11 With understanding, earnestly, of Savitar the God we crave
Our portion of prosperity.
12 Men, singers worship Savitar the God with hymn and holy rites,
Urged by the impulse of their thoughts.
Book 4
This book
again has the same prayers starting with Agni then calling all the Gods. Vishnu
and Rudra are occasionally addressed. All the usual legends about Indra like the
killer of Dasa Dasyu Ahi Vritra etc are repeated with less detail. The last few
hymns of the book are different and could be interpolated material with mention
of tilling the soil, Sita, earth etc. In view of location one must not assume
that by this time the Aryans were agriculturists since these could be
interpolations from a later time. However treasure and toiler are both
mentioned together – first time prayers for a toiler are there. So taken
together, an increased tendency towards agriculture is possible. In other
words, the Aryans are becoming more like the Dasyus in terms of activities.
4.16. 10 Come to our home
resolved to slay the Dasyu: Kutsa longed eagerly to win thy friendship.
Alike in form ye both sate in his dwelling the faithful Lady was in doubt
between you.
11 Thou comest, fain to succour him, with Kutsa,—a goad that masters both the
Wind-God's horses,
That, holding the brown steeds like spoil for capture, the sage may on the
final day be present.
12 For Kutsa, with thy thousand, thou at day-break didst hurl down greedy Śuṣṇa, foe of harvest.
Quickly with Kutsa's friend destroy the Dasyus, and roll the chariot-wheel of
Sūrya near us.
13 Thou to the son of Vidathin, Ṛjiśvan, gavest
up mighty Mṛgaya and Pipru.
Thou smotest down the swarthy fifty thousand, and rentest forts as age consumes
a garment.
The
hymns above call Susna more like drought than a person here, a foe of harvest. But
the Dasyu are still mentioned immediately afterwards, their swarthy nature,
their large numbers, their forts and the names of their leaders.
HYMN XVIII. Indra and
Others.
1. THIS is the ancient and
accepted pathway by which all Gods have come into existence.
4 What strange act shall he do, he whom his Mother bore for a thousand months
and many autumns?
5 Deeming him a reproach, his mother hid him, Indra, endowed with all heroic
valour.
Then up he sprang himself, assumed his vesture, and filled, as soon as born,
the earth and heaven.
With his great thunderbolt my Son hath slaughtered Vṛtra, and set these rivers free to
wander.
8 I cast thee from me, mine,—thy youthful mother: thee, mine own offspring,
Kusava hath swallowed.
To him, mine infant, were the waters gracious. Indra, my Son, rose up in
conquering vigour.
9 Thou art mine own, O Maghavan, whom Vyaṁsa struck to the ground and smote
thy jaws in pieces.
But, smitten through, the mastery thou wonnest, and with thy bolt the Dāsa's
head thou crushedst.
10 The Heifer hath brought forth the Strong, the Mighty, the unconquerable
Bull, the furious Indra.
The Mother left her unlicked Calf to wander, seeking himself, the path that he
would follow.
11 Then to her mighty Child the Mother turned her, saying, My son, these
Deities forsake thee.
Then Indra said, about to slaughter Vṛtra, O my friend Vṛtra, stride full boldly forward.
12 Who was he then who made thy Mother widow? Who sought to stay thee lying
still or moving?
What God, when by the foot thy Sire thou tookest and slewest, was at hand to
give thee comfort?
13 In deep distress I cooked a dog's intestines. Among the Gods I found not one
to comfort.
My consort I beheld in degradation. The Falcon then brought me the pleasant
Soma.
4.24. He who this day for Indra presses Soma,
prepares the brew and fries the grains of barley—
A complex creation hymn and
a song of sorrow drowned in drink both rolled into one.
HYMN XXVI. Indra.
3 In the wild joy of Soma I
demolished Śambara's forts, ninety-and-nine, together;
Drinking and fighting were clearly linked together
HYMN XXVIII.
Indra-Soma.
1. ALLIED with thee, in this thy
friendship, Soma, Indra for man made waters flow together,
Slew Ahi, and sent forth the Seven Rivers, and opened as it were obstructed
fountains.
2 Indu, with thee for his confederate, Indra swiftly with might pressed down
the wheel of Sūrya.
3 Indra smote down, Agni consumed, O Indu, the Dasyus ere the noontide in the
conflict.
Of those who gladly sought a hard-won dwelling he cast down many a thousand
with his arrow.
4 Lower than all besides hast thou, O Indra, cast down the Dasyus, abject
tribes of Dāsas.
Ye drave away, ye put to death the foemen, and took great vengeance with your
murdering weapons.
5 So, of a truth, Indra and Soma, Heroes, ye burst the stable of the kine and
horses,
The stable which the bar or stone obstructed; and piercing through set free the
habitations.
The area is always called land of 7 rivers. 6th
is the Indus and 7th is Sawaswati which has to be the Swat/Kabul
since nothing else fits.
HYMN XXX. Indra.
9 Thou, Indra, Mighty One, didst
crush Uṣas,
though Daughter of the Sky.
When lifting up herself in pride.
10 Then from her chariot Uṣas
fled, affrighted, from her ruined car.
When the strong God had shattered it.
11 So there this car of Uṣas
lay, broken to pieces, in Vipāś,
And she herself fled far away.
The above hymns are intriguing. Not sure what it means
but seems significant. Usha is of course a Vedic Goddess and nothing to do with
the Dasyu
12 Thou, Indra, didst. with magic power resist the overflowing stream
Who spread her waters o’er the land.
13 Valiantly didst thou seize and take the store which Śuṣṇa had amassed,
When thou didst crush his fortresses.
Again a reference to the rich Susna who was looted
14 Thou, Indra, also smotest down Kulitara's son Śambara,
The Dāsa, from the lofty hill.
Here again the fort of Sambara is mentioned in the
hills and is likely from the upper reaches of the Indus. Sambara’s father is
also mentioned here – must have been a bigger king than previously supposed and
might have been well known for a generation before it was attacked and sacked.
15 Of Dāsa Varcin's thou didst slay the hundred thousand and the five,
Crushed like the fellies, of a car.
Another Dasyu foe
16 So Indra, Lord of Heroes, Powers, caused the unwedded damsel's son,
The castaway, to share the lauds.
What does this mean? Some bastard child?
17 So sapient Indra, Lord of Might, brought Turvaśa and Yadu, those
Who feared the flood, in safety o’er.
Crossing the flooded rivers again
18 Arṇa
and Citraratha, both Āryas, thou, Indra, slewest swift,
On yonder side of Sarayu,
What does this mean? Sarayu?
20 For Divodāsa, him who brought oblations, Indra overthrew
A hundred fortresses of stone.
21 The thirty thousand Dāsas he with magic power and weapons sent
To slumber, for Dabhīti's sake.
4.32.
9 The Gotamas have sung their song of praise to thee that thou mayst give,
Indra, for lively energy.
10 We will declare thy hero deeds, what Dāsa forts thou brakest down,
Attacking them in rapturous joy.
More of fortresses and Dasas being killed. Each of the
priest families seem to have repeatedly composed the same songs or resung the
same songs in different ways – and all of these different poets have given descriptions
of the same set of events. Each of these descriptions of events have been
recompiled into the Rig, giving multiple verses each saying the same thing.
HYMN XXXVIII.
Dadhikris.
1. FROM you two came the gifts in
days aforetime which Trasadasyu granted to the Pūrus.
Ye gave the winner of our fields and plough-lands, and the strong smiter who
subdued the Dasyus.
By now the Aryans are clearly saying that Indra won
them fields and ploughlands by subduing the Dasyus. So cattle references are
decreasing and farming references are increasing. Trasadasyu must have been one
of the main winners of farmland as detailed below:
2 And ye gave mighty Dadhikrās, the giver of many gifts, who visiteth all
people,
Impetuous hawk, swift and of varied colour, like a brave King whom each true
man must honour.
3 Whom, as ’twere down a precipice, swift rushing, each Pūru praises and his
heart rejoices,—
Springing forth like a hero fain for battle, whirling the car and flying like
the tempest.
10 Dadhikrās hath o’erspread
the Fivefold People with vigour, as the Sun lightens the waters.
4.42. 8 Our fathers then were
these, the Seven his, what time the son of Durgaha was captive.
For her they gained by sacrifice Trasadasyu, a demi-god, like Indra, conquering
foemen.
9 The spouse of Purukutsa gave oblations to you, O Indra-Varuṇa, with homage.
Then unto her ye gave King Trasadasyu, the demi-god, the slayer of the foeman.
HYMN LVII.
Ksetrapati, Etc.
1. WE through the Master of the
Field, even as through a friend, obtain
What nourisheth our kine and steeds. In such may he be good to us.
2 As the cow yieldeth milk, pour for us freely, Lord of the Field, the wave
that beareth sweetness,
Distilling meath, well-purified like butter, and let the. Lords of holy Law be
gracious.
3 Sweet be the plants for us. the heavens, the waters, and full of sweets for
us be air's mid-region.
May the Field's Lord for us be full of sweetness, and may we follow after him
uninjured.
4 Happily work our steers and men, may the plough furrow happily.
Happily be the traces bound; happily may he ply the goad.
5 Śuna and Sīra, welcome ye this laud, and with the milk which ye have made in
heaven
Bedew ye both this earth of ours.
6 Auspicious Sītā, come thou near: we venerate and worship thee
That thou mayst bless and prosper us and bring us fruits abundantly.
7 May Indra press the furrow down, may Pūṣan guide its course aright.
May she, as rich in milk, be drained for us through each succeeding year.
8 Happily let the shares turn up the plough-land, happily go the ploughers with
the oxen.
With meath and milk Parjanya make us happy. Grant us prosperity, Śuna and Sīra.
By now farming has become even more well established.
The Gods are now guiding the agriculture rather than cattle rearing. This is
life in Indian plains which is being described, not a animal husbander in
Peshawar. Sita is mentioned. Since this is towards the end of the chapter
rather than in the middle, these series of hymns related to agriculture seem
derived from a later period in history and must be a later interpolation.
Insertion of Sita is also suggestive since Sita is not mentioned before this.
It is possible that Sita was a Goddess of the Post Harappan Dasyu who is now
incorporated within the Veda. Described in relation to the earth, she must have
been an agricultural Goddess. Assuming 3-400 BC for final arrangement and
interpolation of material into Rig, Sita must have been similarly regarded as
Earth Goddess even as far back as 400 BC. Origin from the agriculturists of
Post Harappans is most likely.
HYMN LVIII. Ghṛta.
1.
FORTH from the ocean sprang the wave of sweetness:
together with the stalk it turned to Amṛta,
That which is holy oil's mysterious title: but the Gods’ tongue is truly Amṛta's centre.
2 Let us declare aloud the name of Ghṛta, and at this sacrifice hold it up with homage.
So let the Brahman hear the praise we utter. This hath the four-horned Buffalo
emitted.
3 Four are his horns, three are the feet that bear him; his heads are two, his
hands are seven in number.
Bound with a triple bond the Steer roars loudly: the mighty God hath entered in
to mortals.
6 Like rivers our libations flow together, cleansing themselves in inmost heart
and spirit.
The streams of holy oil pour swiftly downward like the wild beasts that fly
before the bowman.
The last hymn is again
very different in content and likely tobe a later interpolation, though its
meaning is difficult to comprehend. These are clearly hymns composed later in
Vedic period for fulfilling purposes other than drinking and fighting which is
all the Aryans composed. So as the Aryans undertook more complex agriculture
and other activities, they needed new hymns to sacrifice for these purposes.
Book 5.
Asuras are still
referred to as the great Gods. Bharatas, Manus and the five tribes come again.
More killing of Dasyu, Susna Thou slewest noseless Dasyus with thy weapon, Ahi. “they stand round him like an
angry lion”. Hymns are very short and different in construction. Seem to be
special hymns for Ashwamedha. Sindhu has a non specific use in this chapter. Some odd
unknown people are mentioned as usual. Ends with some peculiar hymns, again as
usual. Lotus ponds seems to suggest India in one location. Though this hymn is
of Indian origin, other hymns could have been composed anywhere. Since
Ashwamedha is an old and important sacrifice this chapter is likely derived
from a much older relic with interpolations after the Aryans reached Punjab
HYMN II. Agni.
9 Agni shines far and wide with
lofty splendour, and by his greatness makes all things apparent.
He conquers godless and malign enchantments, and sharpens both his horns to
gore the Rakṣas.
10 Loud in the heaven above be Agni's roarings with keen-edged weapons to
destroy the demons.
5.4. 6 Drive thou away the Dasyu with thy weapon.
5.5. 8 Iḷā, Sarasvatī, Mahī,
three Goddesses who bring us weal,
Be seated harmless on the grass.
5.8.2 drier of the floods
These hymns are similar to the other chapters. Rakshas
is again mentioned as demon.
HYMN XXVII. Agni.
5.30. 5 When
thou wast born supremest at a distance, bearing a name renowned in far-off
regions,
Since then e’en Gods have been afraid of Indra: he conquered all the floods
which served the Dāsa.
Floods serving the Dasa is
again suggesting that Dasyu were beyond the rivers which needed to be crossed
7 Thou, Maghavan, from the
first didst scatter foemen, speeding, while joying in the milk, the Giver.
There, seeking man's prosperity, thou torest away the head of Namuci the Dāsa.
8 Pounding the head of Namuci the Dāsa, me, too thou madest thine associate,
Indra!
Yea, and the rolling stone that is in heaven both worlds, as on a car, brought to
the Maruts.
Namucci the Dasa’s defeat
described again. More of Dasa than Dasyu in these hymns. Perhaps different
priests preferred different usage.
9 Women for weapons hath the Dāsa taken, What injury can his feeble armies To
me?
Well he distinguished his two different voices, and Indra then advanced to
fight the Dasyu.
This is just a denigrating
reference to the weakness of the Dasyu. Chudiyan pehen rakhi hai kind of
reference.
HYMN XXXII. Indra.
1ṬHE well thou clavest, settest
free the fountains, and gavest rest to floods that were obstructed.
Thou, Indra, laying the great mountain open, slaying the Dānava, didst loose
the torrents.
4 Him, whom the heavenly food
of these delighted, child of the mist, strong waxing, couched in darkness,
Him the bolt-hurling Thunderer with his lightning smote down and slew, the
Dānava's wrath-fire, Śuṣṇa.
5.78. 7 Like as the wind on
every side ruffles a pool of lotuses,
Lotuses is obviously from
the plains
HYMN XL. Indra. Sūrya. Atri.
1. COME thou to what
the stones have pressed, drink Soma, O thou Soma's Lord,
Indra best Vṛtra-slayer Strong One, with the Strong.
2 Strong is the stone, the draught is strong, strong is this Soma that is
pressed,
Indra, best Vṛtra-slayer, Strong One with the Strong.
3 As strong I call on thee the Strong, O Thunder-armed, with various aids,
Indra, best Vṛtra-slayer, Strong One with the Strong.
4 Impetuous, Thunderer, Strong, quelling the mighty, King, potent,
Vṛtra-slayer, Soma-drinker,
May he come hither with his yoked Bay Horses; may Indra gladden him at the noon
libation.
5 O Sūrya, when the Asura's descendant Svarbhanu, pierced thee through and
through with darkness,
All creatures looked like one who is bewildered, who knoweth not the place
where he is standing.
Here the Asura
reference is different? Or is it meaning Indra’s descendent?
6 What time thou
smotest down Svarbhanu's magic that spread itself beneath the sky, O Indra,
By his fourth sacred prayer Atri disoovered Sūrya concealed in gloom that
stayed his function.
7 Let not the oppressor with this dread, through anger swallow me up, for I am
thine, O Atri.
Mitra art thou, the sender of true blessings: thou and King Varuṇa be both my
helpers.
8 The Brahman Atri, as he set the press-stones, serving the Gods with praise
and adoration,
Established in the heaven the eye of Sūrya, and caused Svarbhanu's magic arts
to vanish.
9 The Atris found the Sun again, him whom Svarbhanu of the brood
Of Asuras had pierced with gloom. This none besides had power to do.
This is a reference to
a solar eclipse. Whether it is ancient or later interpolation is not clear. The
reference to Asura is a different sense than Varuna is confusing the issue
HYMN LXXVIII. Aśvins.
9 The child who hath for ten
months' time been lying in his mother's side,—
May he come forth alive, unharmed, yea, living from the living dame.
HYMN LXXXIII.
Parjanya.
4 Forth burst the winds, down come the lightning-flashes: the plants shoot up,
the realm of light is streaming.
Food springs abundant for all living creatures, what time Parjanya quickens
earth with moisture.
As always, the end of this chapter also
has some unusual hymns. More agriculture related hymns and of course the solar
eclipse – these musy have been gathered in the long settled period between 1200
BC and 500 AD.
Chapter 6.
It starts
off as usual with agni. Vitavyaha and bharadwaja, Atharvan's
son,
Dadhyac the Ṛṣi, lighted up. Usual Dasyu, Ahi rakshasa and Vritra. Agni of
the Bharata. Asura as usual means great god. But in 22 Indra is called Asura
slayer. असुरघ्नः . In 6.53 awl.
RV 6.011.04
We who add
strength to thine own splendid vigour, laying within thine arms the splendid
thunder-
With us mayst
thou, O Indra, waxen splendid, with Surya overcome the Dasa races
RV 6.014.03
The foeman’s
wealth in many a place, Agni, is emulous to help.
Men fight the
fiend (dasyu in the original Sanskrit text), and seek by rites to overcome the
riteless foe.
The Dasyu are
riteless, a different race and the enemies of the Arya
6.18. 3 Thou, thou alone,
hast tamed the Dasyus; singly thou hast subdued the people for the Ārya.
8 Stranger to guile, who
ne’er was false or faithless, bearing a name that may be well remembered,
Indra crushed Cumuri, Dhuni, Śambara, Pipru, and Śuṣṇa, that their castles fell in ruin.
RV
6.019.13
Through these thy friendships, God invoked of many! may we be victors over
every foeman.
Slaying both kinds of foe, may we, O Hero, be happy, helped by thee, with ample
riches.
The
above verse talks of “both” kind of foes. The Dasas were one of them, the other
must have been Arya tribes. RV 6.033.03 provides clear vindication of the other
tribe being Arya.
RV
6.033.03
Both races, Indra, of opposing foemen, O Hero, both the Arya and the Dasa,
Hast thou struck down like woods with well-shot lightnings: thou rentest them
in fight, most manly Chieftain!
Inference
that the conflicts may have occurred within Puru tribe, let alone amongst rival
Arya tribes is found in several verses.
RV
6.019.08
Indra, bestow on us the power heroic skilled and exceeding strong, that wins
the booty,
Wherewith, by thine assistance, we may conquer our foes in battle, be they kin
or stranger.
6.20. 6 As the Hawk rent for
him the stalk that gladdens, he wrenched the head from Namuci the Dāsa.
10 May we, O Indra, gain by
thy new favour: so Parus laud thee, with their sacrifices,
That thou hast wrecked seven autumn forts, their shelter, slain Dāsa tribes and
aided Purukutsa.
6.21. 11 Now to my words come
quickly thou who knowest, O Son of Strength, with all who claim our worship,
Who visit sacred rites, whose tongue is Agni, Gods who made Manu stronger than
the Dasyu.
Manu is the Arya. These
hymns are similar to the previous chapters. The Dasas are racially separated
from the Arya.
HYMN XXII. Indra.
4 What is thy share and portion,
Strong Subduer, Asura-slayer, rich, invoked of many?
10 Strengthen therewith the Ārya's hate and Dāsa's, and let the arms of Nahusas
be mighty.
Indra is Asura slayer here
6.24. 8 Extolled,
he bends not to the strong, the steadfast, nor to the bold incited by the
Dasyu.
6.25. 2 With these discomfit
hosts that fight against us, and check the opponent's wrath, thyself uninjured.
With these chase all our foes to every quarter: subdue the tribes of Dāsas to
the Ārya.
6.26. 5 Thou madest good the
laud, what time thou rentest a hundred thousand fighting foes, O Hero,
Slewest the Dāsa Śambara of the mountain, and with strange aids didst succour
Divodāsa.
Repetitions. Note the
reference of “tribes” of the Dasas. The Aryans were tribes and looked upon the
Dasyu from different places as different tribes.
HYMN XXVII. Indra.
4 This one great power of thine
our eyes have witnessed, wherewith thou slewest Varasikha's children,
When by the force of thy descending thunder, at the mere solund, their boldest
was demolished.
5 In aid of Abhyavartin Cayamana, Indra destroyed the seed of Varasikha.
At Hariyupiya he smote the vanguard of the Vrcivans, and the rear fled
frighted.
6 Three thousand, mailed, in quest of fame, together, on the Yavyavati, O
much-sought Indra,
Vrcivan's sons, falling before the arrow, like bursting vessels went to their
destruction.
7 He, whose two red Steers, seeking goodly pasture, plying their tongues move
on 'twixt earth and heaven,
Gave Turvaśa to Sṛñjaya,
and, to aid him, gave the Vrcivans up to Daivavata.
8 Two wagon-teams, with damsels, twenty oxen, O Agni, Abhydvartin Cayamdna,
The liberal Sovran, giveth me. This guerdon of Prthu's seed is hard to win from
others.
Hariupiya is of course not the name of modern Harappa
at all. But it is not clear whether the Vricivans are Dasyu or whether this is
internecine warfare between two Aryans Vricivans and Cayamana. I somehow prefer
the latter. The priests receive gifts which include damsels.
HYMN XXXI Indra.
3 With Kutsa, Indra! thou didst
conquer Śuṣṇa,
voracious, bane of crops, in fight for cattle.
In the close fray thou rentest him: thou stolest the Sun's wheel and didst
drive away misfortunes.
4 Thou smotest to the ground the hundred castles, impregnable, of Śambara the
Dasyu,
When, Strong, with might thou holpest Divodāsa who poured libations out, O
Soma-buyer, and madest Bharadvāja rich who praised thee.
These are repetitions of the same stories by the
Bharadvajas this time
6.33. 3 Both
races, Indra, of opposing foemen, O Hero, both the Ārya and the Dāsa,
Hast thou struck down like woods with well-shot lightnings: thou rentest them
in fight, most manly Chieftain!
This suggests that the fight
was between Aryas and Dasyu allied with each other fighting other Aryans, possibly
also in alliance with other Dasas. The following hymns all show that by this
time, the Aryans were always fighting other Aryans allied with or having
subordinate fighters from the Dasyu
RV 6.019.13
Through these thy friendships, God invoked of many! may we be victors over
every foeman.
Slaying both kinds of foe, may we, O Hero, be happy, helped by thee, with ample
riches.
RV 6.033.03
Both races, Indra, of opposing foemen, O Hero, both the Arya and the Dasa,
Hast thou struck down like woods with well-shot lightnings: thou rentest them
in fight, most manly Chieftain!
Inference that the conflicts may have occurred within Puru
tribe, let alone amongst rival Arya tribes is found in several verses.
RV 6.019.08
Indra, bestow on us the power heroic skilled and exceeding strong, that wins
the booty,
Wherewith, by thine assistance, we may conquer our foes in battle, be they kin
or stranger.
6.47. 2 When he defeated
Śambara's many onslaughts, and battered down his nineand ninety ramparts.
21 Day after day far from
their seat he drove them, alike, from place to place, those darksome creatures.
The Hero slew the meanly-huckstering Dāsas, Varcin and Śambara, where the
waters gather.
Varcin here suggests Dasyu
people and so the earlier reference must also have been Dasyu
22 Out of thy bounty, Indra, hath Prastoka bestowed ten coffers and ten mettled
horses.
We have received in turn from Divodāsa Śambara's wealth, the gift of Atithigva.
23 Ten horses and ten treasure-chests, ten garments as an added gift,
These and ten lumps of gold have I received from Divodāsa's hand.
24 Ten cars with extra steed to each, for the Atharvans hundred cows,
Hath Asvatha to Payu given.
25 Thus Sṛñjaya's son honoured the Bharadvājas,
recipients of all noble gifts and bounty.
More gifts for the
bharadvajas. So by the sixth chapter and in 7th chapter, the Aryans
and Dasyu were in alliances and attacking each other. Hymns composed are
therefore reflecting the changed situation and hence repeated hymns invoking
Indra in the fight against the Aryans and Dasyu in alliance would have been
made by both sides. These indicate that some considerable time of 20 to 100
years would have to have passed before the initial destruction of the forts of
sambara Susna Namucci et al and the new situation where theAryans were fighting
wars with mixed enemies of Aryans and Dasyu. In 100 years, considerable
intermixing of people would also have taken place and hence assimilation of
both people to form a common gene pool would have been well under way.
6.51. 6 Give us not up to any
evil creature, as spoil to wolf or she-wolf, O ye Holy.
14 Soma, these
pressing-stones have called aloud to win thee for our Friend.
Destroy the greedy Paṇi, for a wolf is he.
6.52. 6 Most near, most oft
comes Indra with protection, and she Sarasvatī, who swells with rivers -
HYMN LXI. Sarasvatī.
1. To Vadhryasva when. be
worshipped her with gifts she gave fierce Divodāsa, canceller of debts.
Consumer of the churlish niggard, one and all, thine, O Sarasvatī, are these
effectual boons.
2 She with her might, like one who digs for lotus-stems, hath burst with her
strong waves the ridges of the hills.
Let us invite with songs and holy hymns for help Sarasvatī who slayeth the
Paravatas.
3 Thou castest down, Sarasvatī, those who scorned the Gods, the brood of every
Bṛsaya
skilled in magic arts.
Thou hast discovered rivers for the tribes of men, and, rich in wealth! made
poison flow away from them.
4 May the divine Sarasvatī, rich in her wealth, protect us well,
Furthering all our thoughts with might
5 Whoso, divine Sarasvatī, invokes thee where the prize is set,
Like Indra when he smites the foe.
6 Aid us, divine Sarasvad, thou who art strong in wealth and power
Like Pūṣan,
give us opulence.
7 Yea, this divine Sarasvatī, terrible with her golden path,
Foe-slayer, claims our eulogy.
8 Whose limitless unbroken flood, swift-moving with a rapid rush,
Comes onward with tempestuous roar.
9 She hath spread us beyond all foes, beyond her Sisters, Holy One,
As Sūrya spreadeth out the days.
10 Yea, she most dear amid dear stream, Seven-sistered, graciously inclined,
Sarasvatī hath earned our praise.
11 Guard us from hate Sarasvatī, she who hath filled the realms of earth,
And that wide tract, the firmament!
12 Seven-sistered, sprung from threefold source, the Five Tribes' prosperer,
she must be
Invoked in every deed of might.
13 Marked out by majesty among the Mighty Ones, in glory swifter than the other
rapid Streams,
Created vast for victory like a chariot, Sarasvatī must be extolled by every
sage.
14 Guide us, Sarasvatī, to glorious treasure: refuse us not thy milk, nor spurn
us from thee.
Gladly accept our friendship and obedience: let us not go from thee to distant
countries.
There are multiple
themes here. “Let us not go from thee to distant countries” suggests that it
was in fact happening – the Aryans had left the Saraswati behing and were
saddened by the parting. The lotus stem suggests composition in the plain.
Sudden rushes and sudden floods suggests flash floods on the Kabul or Helmand.
Swift flow also suggest Kabul as does the seven sisters since Helmand doesn’t
join the Indus. Overall I prefer the Kabul to Helmand
HYMN LXXV. Weapons of
War.
1. THE warrior's look is like a
thunderous rain-cloud's, when, armed with mail, he seeks the lap of battle.
Be thou victorious with unwounded body: so let the thickness of thy mail
protect thee.
2 With Bow let us win kine, with Bow the battle, with Bow be victors in our hot
encounters.
The Bow brings grief and sorrow to the foeman: armed with the Bow may we subdue
all regions.
3 Close to his car, as fain to speak, She presses, holding her well-loved
Friend in her embraces.
Strained on the Bow, She whispers like a woman-this Bowstring that preserves us
in the combat.
4 These, meeting like a woman and her lover, bear, mother-like, their child
upon their bosom.
May the two Bow-ends, starting swift asunder, scatter, in unison, the foes who
hate us.
5 With many a son, father of many daughters, He clangs and clashes as he goes
to battle.
Slung on the back, pouring his brood, the Quiver vanquishes all opposing bands
and armies.
6 Upstanding in the Car the skilful Charioteer guides his strong Horses on
whithersoe’er he will.
See and admire the strength of those controlling Reins which from behind
declare the will of him who drives.
7 Horses whose hoofs rain dust are neighing loudly, yoked to the Chariots,
showing forth their vigour,
With their forefeet descending on the foemen, they, never flinching, trample
and destroy them.
8 Car-bearer is the name of his oblation, whercon are laid his Weapons and his
Armour.
So let us here, each day that passes, honour the helpful Car with hearts
exceeding joyful.
9 In sweet association lived the fathers who gave us life, profound and strong
in trouble,
Unwearied, armed with shafts and wondrous weapons, free, real heroes,
conquerors of armies.
10 The Brahmans, and the Fathers meet for Soma-draughts, and, graciously
inclined, unequalled Heaven and Earth.
Guard us trom evil, Pūṣan,
guard us strengtheners of Law: let not the evil-wisher master us.
11 Her tooth a deer, dressed in an eagle's feathers, bound with cow-hide,
launched forth, She flieth onward.
There where the heroes speed hither and thither, there may the Arrows shelter
and protect us.
12 Avoid us thou whose flight is straight, and let our bodies be as stone.
May Soma kindly speak to us, and Aditi protect us well.
13 He lays his blows upon their backs, he deals his blows upon their thighs.
Thou, Whip, who urgest horses, drive sagacious horses in the fray.
14 It compasses the arm with serpent windings, fending away the friction of the
bowstring:
So may the Brace, well-skilled in all its duties, guard manfully the man from
every quarter.
15 Now to the Shaft with venom smeared, tipped with deer-horn, with iron mouth,
Celestial, of Parjanya's seed, be this great adoration paid.
16 Loosed from the Bowstring fly away, thou Arrow, sharpened by our prayer.
Go to the foemen, strike them home, and let not one be left alive.
17 There where the flights of Arrows fall like boys whose locks are yet
unshorn.
Even there may Brahmaṇaspati,
and Aditi protect us well, protect us well through all our days.
18 Thy vital parts I cover with thine Armour: with immortality King Soma clothe
thee.
Varuṇa
give thee what is more than ample, and in thy triumph may the Gods be joyful.
19 Whoso would kill us, whether he be a strange foe or one of us,
This is
straightforward but a few things are jarring. First is the location at the end
of a chapter which indicates interpolation. Wearing mail is in keeping with the
armour worn by the GGC people. Archery and chariotry is self explanatory
7. The much awaited
chapter.
Starts as
usual with Agni. Asura back to being Great Gods.
7.2. 8 May
Bhāratī with all her Sisters, Iḷā
accordant with the Gods, with mortals Agni,
Sarasvatī with all her kindred Rivers, come to this grass, Three Goddesses, and
seat them.
Here Sarasvati is the river
Goddess. Except in the first chapter the sense of river Goddess keeps on
increasing through the chapters
7.5.6Thou dravest Dasyus from
their home, O Agni, and broughtest forth broad light to light the Ārya.
HYMN VI. Agni.
3 The foolish, faithless,
rudely-speaking niggards, without belief or sacrifice or worship,—
Far far sway hath Agni chased those Dasytis, and, in the cast, hath turned the
godless westward.
Turned the Godless Westwards suggests that after being
expelled from the Punjab and Haryana, the Dasyus went West to Sind and
Rajasthan. Probably after the Bharata Dasyu alliance was defeated by Sudas.
7.8. 4 Far famed is
this the Bhārata's own Agni he shineth like the Sun with lofty splendour.
He who hath vanquished Pūru in the battle, the heavenly guest hath glowed in
full refulgence. 7 We, the Vasisthas, now implore thee, Agni, O Son of
Strength, the Lord of wealth and riches.
Thou hast brought food to singers and to nobles. Ye Gods, preserve us evermore
with blessings.
4 I have begotten this new
hymn for Agni, Falcon of the sky:
0 Bright, Purifier, meet for
praise, Immortal with refulgent glow,
Agni drives Rākṣasas away.
7.18. 4 Vasiṣṭha hath poured forth his prayers, desiring
to milk thee like a cow in goodly pasture.
All these my people call thee Lord of cattle: may Indra. come unto the prayer
we offer.
Here the Vashishtas are
assisting Sudas to fight against his own kinsmen
5 What though the floods spread widely, Indra made them shallow and easy for
Sudās to traverse.
He, worthy of our praises, caused the Simyu, foe of our hymn, to curse the
rivers' fury.
So Sudas crosses a river to
find his enemy. Simyu being called foe of our hymn might be either generic
enemy or a specific Dasyu tribe
6 Eager for spoil was Turvaśa Purodas, fain to win wealth, like fishes urged by
hunger.
The Bhṛgus and the Druhyus quickly listened:
friend rescued friend mid the two distant peoples.
7 Together came the Pakthas, the Bhalanas, the Alinas, the Sivas, the Visanins.
Yet to the Trtsus came the Ārya's Comrade, through love of spoil and heroes'
war, to lead them.
Sudas had these tribes in
alliance against him. Interestingly one of the tribe names is the Sivas – but
this is likely to be an Aryan tribe since the term Sivas is Aryan and means the
good.
17 E’en with the weak he
wrought this matchless exploit: e’en with a goat he did to death a lion.
He pared the pillar's angles with a needle. Thus to Sudās Indra gave all
provisions.
7.19. 2 Thou, verily, Indra,
gavest help to Kutsa, willingly giving car to him in battle,
When, aiding Ārjuneya, thou subduedst to him both Kuyava and the Dāsa Śuṣṇa.
Arjuneya is there – similar
to the Arjuna of Mahabharata? Coincidence in battle of ten kings is unlikely.
Susna of course is another battle, but is another Dasa involved in the battle
is being misnamed here?
3 O Bold One, thou with all
thine aids hast boldly holpen Sudās whose offerings were accepted,
Pūru in winning land and slaying foemen, and Trasadasyu son of Purukutsa.
4 At the Gods’ banquet, hero-souled! with Heroes, Lord of Bay Steeds, thou
slewest many foemen.
Thou sentest in swift death to sleep the Dasyu, both Cumuri and Dhuni, for
Dabhīti.
Are these Dasyus being
generically named here in extolling Indra – or were there Dasyu Kings fighting
against him?
HYMN XXXIII Vasiṣṭha.
1. THESE who wear hair-knots on
the right, the movers of holy thought, white-robed, have won me over.
I warned the men, when from the grass I raised me, Not from afar can my
Vasisthas help you.
2 With Soma they brought Indra from a
distance, Over Vaisanta, from the strong libation.
Indra preferred Vasisthas to the Soma pressed by the son of Vayata, Pasadyumna.
3 So, verily, with these he crossed the river, in company with these he
slaughtered Bheda.
So in the fight with the Ten Kings, Vasisthas! did Indra help Sudās through
your devotions.
4 I gladly, men I with prayer prayed by our fathers have fixed your axle: ye
shall not be injured:
Since, when ye sang aloud the Sakvari verses, Vasisthas! ye invigorated Indra.
5 Like thirsty men they looked to heaven, in battle with the Ten Kings,
surrounded and imploring.
Then Indra heard Vasiṣṭha
as he praised him, and gave the Trtsus ample room and freedom.
6 Like sticks and staves wherewith they drive the cattle, Stripped bare, the
Bharatas were found defenceless:
Vasiṣṭha
then became their chief and leader: then widely. were the Trtsus' clans
extended.
So Sudas defeats the Bharatas in the battle of the ten
Kings after crossing the river
HYMN L. Various
Deities.
1. O MITRA-VARUNA, guard and
protect me here: let not that come to me which nests within and swells.
I drive afar the scorpion hateful to the sight: let not the winding worm touch
me and wound my foot.
2 Eruption that appears upon the twofold joints, and that which overspreads the
ankles and the knees,
May the refulgent Agni banish far away let not the winding worm touch me and
wound my foot.
3 The poison that is formed upon the Salmali, that which is found in streams,
that which the plants produce,
All this may all the Gods banish and drive away: let not the winding worm touch
me and wound my foot.
4 The steep declivities, the valleys, and the heights, the channels full of
water, and the waterless-
May those who swell with water, gracious Goddesses, never afflict us with the
Sipada disease, may all the rivers keep us free from Simida.
Not sure what these diseases are, but doesn’t seem
like small pox except the bit about the eruption around the joint which seems
more like arthritis.
HYMN LIV. Vastospati.
1. ACKNOWLEDGE us, O Guardian of
the Homestead: bring no disease, and give us happy entrance.
Whate’er we ask of thee, be pleased to grant it, and prosper thou quadrupeds
and bipeds.
2 Protector of the Home, be our promoter: increase our wealth in kine and
steeds, O Indu.
May we be ever-youthful in thy friendship: be pleased in us as in his sons a
father.
3 Through thy dear fellowship that bringeth welfare, may we be victors,
Guardian of the Dwelling!
Protect our happiness in rest and labour. Preserve us evermore, ye Gods, with
blessings.
HYMN LIX. Maruts.
1. WHOMSO ye rescue here and
there, whomso ye guide, O Deities,
To him give shelter, Agni, Mitra, Varuṇa, ye Maruts, and thou Aryaman.
2 Through your kind favour, Gods, on some auspicious day, the worshipper
subdues his foes.
That man increases home and strengthening ample food who brings you offerings
as ye list.
3 Vasiṣṭha
will not overlook the lowliest one among you all.
O Maruts, of our Soma juice effused to-day drink all of you with eager haste.
4 Your succour in the battle injures not the man to whom ye, Heroes, grant your
gifts.
May your most recent favour turn to us again. Come quickly, ye who fain would
drink.
5 Come hitherward to drink the juice, O ye whose bounties give you joy.
These offerings are for you, these, Maruts, I present. Go not to any place but
this.
6 Sit on our sacred grass, be graciously inclined to give the wealth for which
we long,
To take delight, ye Maruts, Friends of all, with Svāhā, in sweet Soma juice.
7 Decking the beauty of their forms in secret the Swans with purple backs have
flown down hither.
Around me all the Company hath settled, like joyous Heroes glad in our
libation.
8 Maruts, the man whose wrath is hard to master, he who would slay us ere we
think, O Vasus,
May he be tangled in the toils of mischief; smite ye him down with your most
flaming weapon.
9 O Maruts, ye consuming Gods, enjoy this offering brought for you,
To help us, ye who slay the foe.
10 Sharers of household sacrifice, come, Maruts, stay not far away,
That ye may help us, Bounteous Ones.
11 Here, Self-strong Maruts, yea, even here. ye Sages with your sunbright skins
I dedicate your sacrifice.
12 Tryambaka we worship, sweet augmenter of prosperity.
As from its stem the cucumber, so may I be released from death, not reft of
immortality.
The famous Mrutyunjaya mantra. Coming after a long
hymn in praise of Maruts, this is a clear and obvious interpolation. Totally
out of context and introducing a new God never mentioned before.
HYMN LXVI Mitra-Varuṇa.
1.
LET our strong hymn of praise go forth, the laud of Mitra-Varuṇa,
With homage to that high-born Pair;
2 The Two exceeding wise, the Sons of Dakṣa,
whom the gods ordained
For lordship, excellently great.
Daksha
is very much a part of the Vedic mythology but not in the familiar story we are
all used to
HYMN LXXXIII. Indra-Varuṇa.
1.
LOOKING to you and your alliance, O ye Men, armed with broad axes they went
forward, fain for spoil.
Ye smote and slew his Dāsa and his Āryan enemies, and helped Sudās with favour,
Indra-Varuṇa.
Here
again the battle of ten Kings is referred to but it is clearly written that
Sudas had both Aryan and Dasa enemies
6 The men of both the hosts
invoked you in the fight, Indra and Varuṇa,
that they might win the wealth,
What time ye helped Sudās, with all the Trtsu folk, when the Ten Kings had
pressed him down in their attack.
Is it perhaps to be inferred
that because the ten Kings had both Dasa and Arya enemies, Sudas was
preferentially helped by Indra although both sides invoked the same Gods? Did
the Vashisthas want to convey this/
7 Ten Kings who worshipped not, O Indra-Varuṇa,
confederate, in war prevailed not o’er Sudās.
True was the boast of heroes sitting at the feast: so at their invocations Gods
were on their side.
8 O Indra-Varuṇa, ye gave Sudās your aid when the Ten
Kings in battle compassed him about,
Here it is specifically said
that ten Kings worshipped not – again indicating that some at least of the ten
Kings were Dasas and not Aryans. This would indicate that the battle which
occurred much after the initial victories of the Aryans over the initial
Sambara and Susna still had non Aryan Kings in action
HYMN XCV. Sarasvatī.
1.
THIS stream Sarasvatī with fostering current comes forth, our sure defence, our
fort of iron.
As on a car, the flood flows on, surpassing in majesty and might all other
waters.
Does
this mean that the Aryans were now living in forts as well?
2 Pure in her course from mountains to the ocean, alone of streams Sarasvatī
hath listened.
Thinking of wealth and the great world of creatures, she poured for Nahuṣa
her milk and fatness.
3 Friendly to man he grew among the women, a strong young Steer amid the Holy
Ladies.
He gives the fleet steed to our wealthy princes, and decks their bodies for success
in battle.
4 May this Sarasvatī be pleased and listen at this our sacrifice, auspicious
Lady,
When we with reverence, on our knees, implore her close-knit to wealth, most
kind to those she loveth.
5 These offerings have ye made with adoration: say this, Sarasvatī, and accept
our praises;
And, placing us under thy dear protection, may we approach thee, as a tree, for
shelter.
6 For thee, O Blest Sarasvatī, Vasiṣṭha hath here unbarred
the doors d sacred Order.
Wax, Bright One, and give strength to him who lauds thee. Preserve us evermore,
ye Gods, with blessings.
HYMN XCVI. Sarasvatī.
1.
I SING a lofty song, for she is mightiest, most divine of Streams.
Sarasvatī will I exalt with hymns and lauds, and, O Vasiṣṭha,
Heaven and Earth.
2 When in the fulness of their strength the Pūrus dwell, Beauteous One, on thy
two grassy banks,
Favour us thou who hast the Maruts for thy friends: stir up the bounty of our
chiefs.
3 So may Sarasvatī auspicious send good luck; she, rich in spoil, is never
niggardly in thought,
When praised in jamadagni's way and lauded as Vasiṣṭha
lauds.
4 We call upon Sarasvān, as unmarried men who long for wives,
As liberal men who yearn for sons.
5 Be thou our kind protector, O Sarasvān, with those waves of thine
Laden with sweets and dropping oil.
6 May we enjoy Sarasvān's breast, all-beautiful, that swells with streams,
May we gain food and progeny.
Here
Saraswati is just river goddess. Those composing the hymns now are far away
from the Saraswati and think of her only as a Goddess
7.99. 5 Ye have
destroyed, thou, Indra, and thou Viṣṇu, Śambara's nine-and-ninety fenced
castles.
Ye Twain smote down a hundred times a thousand resistless heroes of the royal
Varcin.
No idea whether these similar
names like Varcin are Dasyu or Aryan.
HYMN
CIII. Frogs.
1. THEY who lay quiet for a year, the Brahmans who
fulfil their vows,
The Frogs have lifted up their voice, the voice Parjanya hath inspired.
2 What time on these, as on a dry skin lying in the pool's bed, the floods of
heaven descended,
The music of the Frogs comes forth in concert like the cows lowing with their
calves beside them.
6 Onc is Cow-bellow and Goat-bleat the other, one Frog is Green and one of them
is Spotty.
They bear one common name, and yet they vary, and, talking, modulate the voice
diversely.
8 These Brahmans with the Soma juice, performing their year-long rite, have
lifted up their voices;
And these Adhvaryus, sweating with their kettles, come forth and show
themselves, and none are hidden.
9 They keep the twelve month's God-appointed order, and never do the men
neglect the season.
Soon as the Rain-time in the year returneth, these who were heated kettles gain
their freedom.
Here the Adavaryu priest is mentioned.
This towards the end of the chapter is again an unusual hymn
7.104. 18
Spread out, ye Maruts, search among the people: seize ye and grind the Rākṣasas
to pieces,
Who fly abroad, transformed to birds, at night-time, or sully and pollute our
holy worship.
The Rakshasas sully the
sacrifice
19 Hurl down from heaven thy bolt of stone, O Indra: sharpen it, Maghavan, made
keen by Soma.
Forward, behind, and from above and under, smite down the demons with thy rocky
weapon.
20 They fly, the demon dogs, and, bent on mischief, fain would they harm
indomitable Indra.
Śakra makes sharp his weapon for the wicked: now, let him cast his bolt at
fiendish wizards.
21 Indra hath ever been the fiends’ destroyer who spoil oblations of the Gods’
invokers:
Yea, Śakra, like an axe that splits the timber, attacks and smashes them like earthen vessels.
22 Destroy the fiend shaped like an owl or owlet, destroy him in the form of
dog or cuckoo.
Destroy him shaped as eagle or as vulture as with a stone, O Indra, crush the
demon.
23 Let not the fiend of witchcraft-workers reach us: may Dawn drive off the
couples of Kimīdins.
Earth keep us safe from earthly woe and trouble: from grief that comes from
heaven mid-air preserve us.
24 Slay the male demon, Indra! slay the female, joying and triumphing in arts
of magic.
Let the fools' gods with bent necks fall and perish, and see no more the Sun
when he arises.
The Rakshasas sully the
sacrifice and all kinds of birds and animals might have been taken to be bad
omens going by this hymn.
Book 8. Lots
of unknown people right at the start. Again composed by Kanvas .A reference to
Dasyu magic is there. Asura is again in good sense while Rakshasa is bad.
Sindhu used as a God occasionally. Dasyu and Susna killer descriptions of Indra
are as usual.
8.1. 11 When
Sūra wounded Etaśa, with Vāta's rolling winged car.
Indra bore Kutsa Ārjuneya off, and mocked Gandharva. the unconquered One.
Same Kutsa Arjuneya as
before
28 Śuṣṇa's quick moving
castle thou hast crushed to pieces with thy bolts.
Does quick moving castle
refer to lashed ox carts?
8.2. 40 Shaped as a Ram,
Stone-hurler I once thou camest hither to the son
Of Kaṇva, wise Medhyātithi.
8.3.19 Thou from the lofty
plains above, O Indra, hurledst Vṛtra down.
Thou dravest forth the kine of guileful Mṛgaya and Arbuda from the mountain's
hold.
8.5. 31 From far away ye come
to us, Aśvins, enjoying plenteous food
Of Dāsas, O Immortal Ones.
14 Against the Dasyu gusna
thou, Indra, didst hurl thy during bolt:
14 The Dasyus, when they fain
would climb
by magic arts and mount to heaven,
Thou, Indra, castest down to earth.
8.22. 6 Ye with
your plough, when favouring Manu with your help, ploughed the first harvest in
the sky.
8.24.27 Who will set free
from ruinous woe, or Ārya on the Seven Streams:
O valiant Hero, bend the Dāsa's weapon down.
8.31. 14 I glorify with song, for wealth, Agni the God, the first of you.
We honour as a well-loved Friend the God who prospereth our fields.
8.32. 2 Strong God, he slew
Anarsani, Srbinda, Pipru, and the fiend,
Ahīśuva, and loosed the floods.
8.35. 7 Ye fly as starlings
fly unto the forest trees; like buffaloes ye seek the Soma we have shed.
More references to changed
life of the Arya with adoption of agriculture
8.46. 21 Now
let the godless man approach who hath received reward so great
As Vaśa, Aśvya, when this light of morning dawned, received from Pṛthuśravas,
from Kanīta's son.
22 Steeds sixty thousand and ten thousand kine, and twenty hundred camels I
obtained;
31 And in the grazing herd he made a hundred camels bleat for me,
8.55. 8 Even the wolf, the savage beast that rends the sheep, follows the path
of his decrees.
The sudden advent of camels
is jarring. It must be from the Rajasthan region and from Haryana where these
animals are found. Still the wolf is mentioned rather than tiger – perhaps it
is because of poetic convention from an earlier time because by now tiger
should have been mentioned.
8.58. 12 Thou, Varuṇa, to whom belong Seven Rivers, art a
glorious God.
The waters flow into thy throat as ’twere a pipe with ample mouth.
8.59. 10 Indra, thou
justifiest us, and tramplest down thy slanderers.
Guard thyself, valiant Hero, in thy vital parts: strike down the Dāsa with thy
blows.
11 The man who brings no sacrifice, inhuman, godless, infidel,
Him let his friend the mountain cast to rapid death, the mountain cast the
Dasyu down.
The seven rivers is still
very much in evidence and hence the Yamuna and Ganga must still be far away –
or ignored by poetic convention – or perhaps even counted as one of the seven
by now? If camels have arrived and Aryans are in Haryana and Rajasthan, they
must have found their way to Kurukshetra by now.
HYMN
LXVI. Indra.
1. SCARCELY was Śatakratu, born when of his Mother
he inquired,
Who are the mighty? Who are famed?
2. Then Śavasī declared to him Aurṇavābha, Ahīśuva:
Son, these be they thou must o’erthrow
3 The Vṛtra-slayer
smote them all as spokes are hammered into naves:
The Dasyu-killer waxed in might.
4 Then Indra at a single draught drank the contents of thirty pails,
Pails that were filled with Soma juice.
5 Indra in groundless realms of space pierced the Gandharva through, that he
Might make Brahmans' strength increase.
6 Down from the mountains Indra shot hither his well-directed shaft:
He gained the ready brew of rice.
10 All these things Viṣṇu
brought, the Lord of ample stride whom thou hadst sent-
A hundred buffaloes, a brew of rice and milk: and Indra, slew the ravening boar
11 Most deadly is thy bow, successful, fashioned well: good is thine arrow,
decked with gold.
Warlike and well equipped thine arms are, which increase sweetness for him who
drinks the sweet.
8.68. 9 When in
my dwelling-place I see the wicked enemies of Gods,
King, chase their hatred far away, thou Bounteous One, dispel our foes.
8.74. 3 Here Kṛṣṇa is invoking you, O Aśvins, Lords of ample
wealth.
To drink the savoury Soma juice.
4 List, Heroes, to the singer's call, the call of Kṛṣṇa lauding you,
To drink the savoury Soma juice.
Here Krishna (like previous
references in earlier chapters) is still a person’s name. The reference to Ghandharva
and Brahmin power is intriguing. Were the Aryans now worshipping Gandharvas and
were these sacrifices supposed to increase the Brahmins power? Was a social
transformation yaking place and is this hymn recording the problems? And when
was this hymn composed? It is obviously later than chapter 7 – a simple
sequence of composition from 1 to 8 is obviously evident from geographic
references. But his might have been an interpolation from recompiling.
HYMN
LXXXV. Indra.
1. FOR him the Mornings made their courses longer,
and Nights with pleasant voices spake to Indra.
For him the Floods stood still, the Seven Mothers, Streams easy for the heroes
to pass over.
2 The Darter penetrated, though in trouble, thrice-seven close-pressed ridges
of the mountains.
Neither might God nor mortal man accomplish what the Strong Hero wrought in
full-grown vigour.
3 The mightiest force is Indra's bolt of iron when firmly grasped in both the
arms of Indra.
9 A sharpened weapon is the
host of Maruts. Who, Indra, dares withstand thy bolt of thunder?
Weaponless are the Asuras, the godless: scatter them with thy wheel, Impetuous
Hero.
18 Then wast thou, Chieftain
of all living mortals, the very mighty slayer of the Vṛtras.
Then didst thou set the obstructed rivers flowing, and win the floods that were
enthralled by Dāsas.
Again towards the end of
chapter 8 the sense of usage for Asura suddenly changes. Here Indra is making
the Asuras weaponless and they are called Godless. This is again a major shift
from Asura being the good God Varuna. This is also a probable later
interpolation but needs further evaluation in just what sense and how did the
asuras change their meaning – since by now the Iranians were far away and any
enemity between the Asura worshippers and Deva worshippers is now over – or is
it? Does this hymn come from the Afghan borderlands where the two rivals might
be still in contact? The initial lines belay this conclusion. Seven streams are
already crossed – so this is in the doab. But now here near the Yamuna there is
a serious upset – the asuras are being called bad. Why?
When exactly was this hymn
composed and interpolated? We need to understand this variation – it is the
crux. First we had a Gandarva and now we have Asura being made bad instead of
good. Something is happening in this time. Most obvious conclusion would be
much later interpolation than rest of 8th chapter but I think not –
later interpolations are much more obviously our of place. This is a subtle
shift. Needs explanation.
Adoption of other Great Gods
– like Triambaka – is the possibility to be excluded. Because if one Great God
is adopted, other Great Gods like Varuna the Asura has to be cast aside. We
need to search for more evidence for this from the remainder of the Rig
samhita.
HYMN
LXXXVI. Indra.
3 The riteless, godless man who sleeps, O Indra,
his unbroken steep,—
May he by following his own devices die. Hide from him wealth that nourishes.
8.103. 9 Good
Lord of wealth is he to whom all Āryas, Dāsas here belong.
Now this is positively
alarming – a lord of wealth to whom all Aryas and Dasas belong? What on earth
is happening?
HYMN
V. Indra.
HYMN
VII. Praskaṇva's Gift.
1. GREAT, verily, is Indra's might. I have beheld,
and hither comes
Thy bounty, Dasyave-vrka!
2 A hundred oxen white of hue are shining like the stars in heaven,
So tall, they seem to prop the sky.
3 Bamboos a hundred, a hundred dogs, a hundred skins of beasts well-tanned,
A hundred tufts of Balbaja, four hundred red-hued mares are mine.
Dogs? What is happening? Bamboo? What are those –
bows? What gifts are these Brahmins getting apart from the usual cows and
horses?
HYMN
VIII Praskaṇva's Go.
3 A hundred asses hath he given, a hundred head of
fleecy sheep,
A hundred slaves, and wreaths besides.
4 There also was a mare led forth, picked out for Putakrata's sake,
Not of the horses of the herd.
Asses?
Slaves are of course actually Dasas.
BOOK 9
HYMN
XLI. Soma Pavamana.
1. ACTIVE and bright have they come forth,
impetuous in speed like bulls,
Driving the black skin far away.
2 Quelling the riteless Dasyu, may we think upon the bridge of bliss,
Leaving the bridge of woe behind.
9.47. 2 His
task is done: his crushings of the Dasyus are made manifest:
He sternly reckoneth their debts.
9.57. 3 He, when the people
deck him like a docile king of elephants.
Sits as a falcon in the, wood.
HYMN
LXI. Soma Pavamana.
1. FLOW onward, Indu, with this food for him who in
thy wild delight
Battered the nine-and-ninety down,
2 Smote swiftly forts, and gambara, then Yadu and that Turvaga,
For pious Divodāsa's sake.
HYMN
LXXI. Soma Pavamana,
1. THE guerdon is bestowed: the Mighty takes his
Seat, and, ever-Watchful, guards from fiend and evil sprite.
HYMN
LXXIV. Soma Pavamana
9.78. 3
Apsarases who dwell in waters of the sea,
9.83. 4 Gandharva verily
protects his dwellingplace; Lord of the snare, he takes the foeman with the
snare:
HYMN
LXXXV. Soma Pavamana.
1. FLOW on to Indra, Soma, carefully effused: let
sickness stay afar together with the fiends.
इन्द्राय सोम सुषुतः परि सरवापामीवा भवतु रक्षसा सह |
Chapter 9 is a boring and dull chapter highly repetitious
for the moon sacrifice. I speed read through it.
At the end of 9/10 chapters some stark and obvious
conclusions leap out.
1.
These Aryans are a simple people – there is no
necessity to bring complexity into their simple lives. So we can straightaway
delete their possible sojourn through the BMAC region which I had discussed in
some length – those can be attributed to the Mittanni - and just say – the
Aryans came from further north and West, simple country cousins of the Mittanni
and settled in the Afghanistan and NWFP region. They buried their dead and
these are the Ghandhara grave culture phase 1. Multiple waves of these
migrations explain the Dardic people as well. The Aryans had been and continued
to pray to the Asuras and the younger war god Indra, which they learned from
their more sophisticated bretheren the Mittani, who perished in the middle
east. They had horses and raised sheep and cattle. The women raised cattle and
cooked. Men raised cattle and horses, drank and fought. They had chariots and
compound bows with bronze arrowheads. They had advanced metallurgy to support
their bronze weapon consumption. They had knowledge of the night sky which was
similar to the lunar calendars of other Aryan populations of Europe. They
possibly also had some knowledge of the architectural and burial practices of
their ancestors in Sintashta, which continued in the GGC phase 1.
2.
What they did not know was – agriculture, caste
system, prayer to non Vedic Gods like Vishnu Brahma or Shiva, or Durga. They
had mainly given up city life. Rig samhita shows no evidence of familiarity
with more complex sulba sutra or maths
3.
The Aryans lived around 1200 BC based on
lagadha’s astronomy.
4.
The Rig Veda books are in chronological order.
5.
The Rig Veda was composed in NWFP and Punjab
bordering Haryana and Rajasthan.
6.
Saraswati was Haraxwati of the Iranians and
situated in Afghanistan or NWFP. Most likely it was Kabul which joined the
Indus
7.
The Aryans conquered the Dasyu around 1300 to 1200
AD, who were the post Harappan people who lived in the Indus and Punjab in
small towns.
8.
After contact, GGC shifted to phase 2 where they
burned their dead before burial, similar to the post Harappan people.
9.
Within a few decades, Arya and Dasyu were in
alliance with each other in fighting each other.
10.
Rig veda ends of most chapters show
interpolations of later material. Disregarding these, there is evidence of some
co-evolution of Aryans and Dasyus within a 100 years of their contact,
including use of Dasas as slave labour, start of agriculture and some
differences in the Gods to whom the Aryans prayed – Gandharvas and Triambaka
making an appearance and Asuras changing their meaning from Varuna to demons.
11.
There is no obvious reference to small pox.
Prayer to rain for agriculture show importance of monsoon. Possibly these hymns
will be also used in drought.
12.
Indra comes fully developed and no protoform or
Verethragna form is discernible
13.
